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authority. Imagine further that by a similar method of inference om definite data, he arrives at understanding leadership in war, in economic enterprise, in tribal festivities there he has at once all the data necessary to answer the questions about tribal govern- ment and social authority. In actual field work, the comparison of such data, the attempt to piece them together, will oen reveal ris and gaps in the information which lead on to further investigations. From my own experience, I can say that, very oen, a problem seemed settled, every- thing fixed and clear, till I began to write down a short preliminary sketch of my results. And only then, did I see the enormous deficiencies, which would show me where lay new problems, and lead me on to new work. In fact, I spent a few months between my first and second expeditions, and over a year between that and the subsequent one, in going over all my material, and making parts of it almost ready for publication each time, though each time I knew I would have to re-write it. Such cross-fertilisation of constructive work and observation, I found most valuable, and I do not think I could have made real headway without it. I give this bit of my own history merely to show that what has been said so far is not only an empty programme, but the result of per- sonal experience. In this volume, the description is given of a big institution connected with ever so many associated activities, and presenting many aspects. To anyone who re- flects on the sub ect, it will be clear that the information about a phenomenon of such high complexity and of so many ramifications, could not be obtained with any degree of exactitude and completeness, without a constant interplay of constructive attempts and empirical checking. In fact, I have written up an outline of the Kula institution at least half a dozen times while in the field and in the intervals between my expeditions. Each time, new problems and difficulties presented themselves. The collecting of concrete data over a wide range of facts is thus one of the main points of field method. The obligation is not to enumerate a few examples only, but to exhaust as far as possible all the cases within reach; and, on this search for cases, the investigator will score most whose mental chart is clearest. But, whenever the material of the search allows it, this mental chart ought to be transformed into a real one; it ought to materialise into a diagram, a plan, an exhaustive, synoptic table of cases. Long since, in all tolerably good modern books on natives, we expect to find a full list or table of kinship terms, which includes all the data relative to it, and does not ust pick out a few strange and anomalous relationships or expressions. In the investigation of kinship, the following up of one relation aer another in concrete cases leads naturally to the construction of genealogical tables. Practised already by the best early writers, such as Munzinger, and, if I remember rightly, Kubary, this method has been developed to its fullest extent in the works of Dr. Rivers. Again, studying the concrete data of economic transactions, in order to trace the history of a valuable ob ect, and to gauge the nature of its circulation, the principle of completeness and thoroughness would lead to construct tables of transactions, such as we find in the work of Professor Seligman¹⁰. It is in following Professor Seligman’s example in this matter that I was able to settle certain of the more difficult and detailed rules of the Kula. The method of reducing information, if possible, into charts or synoptic tables ought to be extended to the study of practically all aspects of native life. All types of economic transactions may be studied by following up connected, actual cases, and putting them into a synoptic chart; again, a table ought to be drawn up of all the gis and presents customary in a given society, a table including the sociological, ceremonial, and economic definition of every item. Also, systems of magic, connected series of ceremonies, types of legal acts, all could be charted, allowing each entry to be synoptically defined under a number of headings. Besides this, of course, the genealogical census of every community, studied more in detail, extensive maps, plans and diagrams, illustrating ownership in garden land, hunting and fishing privileges, etc., serve as the more fundamental documents of ethnographic research. A genealogy is nothing else but a synoptic chart of a number of connected relations of kinship. Its value as an instrument of research consists in that it allows the investigator to put questions which he formulates to himself in a stracto, but can put concretely to ¹⁰For instance, the tables of circulation of the valuable axe blades, op. cit. pp. , . [przypis autorski] Argonauts of the Western Pacific the native informant. As a document, its value consists in that it gives a number of authenticated data, presented in their natural grouping. A synoptic chart of magic fulfils the same function. As an instrument of research, I have used it in order to ascertain, for instance, the ideas about the nature of magical power. With a chart before me, I could easily and conveniently go over one item aer the other, and note down the relevant practices and beliefs contained in each of them. The answer to my abstract problem could then be obtained by drawing a general inference om all the cases, and the procedure is illustrated in Chapters XVII and XVIII¹¹. I cannot enter further into the discussion of this question, which would need further distinctions, such as between a chart of concrete, actual data, such as is a genealogy, and a chart summarising the outlines of a custom or belief, as a chart of a magical system would be. Returning once more to the question of methodological candour, discussed pre- viously in Division II, I wish to point out here, that the procedure of concrete and tabularised presentation of data ought to be applied first to the Ethnographer’s own credentials. That is, an Ethnographer, who wishes to be trusted, must show clearly and concisely, in a tabularised form, which are his own direct observations, and which the indirect information that form the bases of his account. The Table on the next page will serve as an example of this procedure and help the reader of this book to form an idea of the trustworthiness of any statement he is specially anxious to check. With the help of this Table and the many references scattered throughout the text, as to how, under what circumstances, and with what degree of accuracy I arrived at a given item of knowledge, there will, I hope remain no obscurity whatever as to the sources of the book. Chronological list of Kula events witnessed by the writer FIRST EXPEDITION, August, –March, . arch, . In the village of Dikoyas (Woodlark Island) a few ceremonial offerings seen. Preliminary information obtained. SECOND EXPEDITION, May, –May, . une, . A a igi o a visit arrives om Vakuta to Kiriwina. Its anchoring at Ka- vataria witnessed and the men seen at Omarakana, where information collected. u , . Several parties om Kitava land on the beach of Kaulukuba. The men examined in Omarakana. Much information collected in that period. e te er, . Unsuccessful attempt to sail to Kitava with To’uluwa, the chief of Omarakana. cto er o e er, . Departure noticed of three expeditions om Kiriwina to Kitava. Each time To’uluwa brings home a haul of a i (armshells). o e er, – arch, . Preparations for a big overseas expedition om Kiriwina to the Marshall Bennett Islands. Construction of a canoe; renovating of another; sail making in Omarakana; launching; tasasoria on the beach of Kaulukuba. At the same time, information is being obtained about these and the associated sub ects. Some magical texts of canoe building and Kula magic obtained. THIRD EXPEDITION, October, –October, . o e er, ece er, . Inland Kula; some data obtained in Tukwaukwa. ece er e ruar , . Parties om Kitava arrive in Wawela. Collection of infor- mation about the o o a. Magic and spells of Kaygau obtained. arch, . Preparations in Sanaroa; preparations in the Amphletts; the Dobuan fleet arrives in the Amphletts. The u a a u expedition om Dobu followed to Boyowa. A ri , . Their arrival; their reception in Sinaketa; the Kula transactions; the big intertribal gathering. Some magical formulae obtained. a , . Party om Kitava seen in Vakuta, une, u , . Information about Kula magic and customs checked and amplified in Omarakana, especially with regard to its Eastern branches. ¹¹In this book, besides the ad oining Table, which does not strictly belong to the class of document of which I speak here, the reader will find only a few samples of synoptic tables, such as the list of Kula partners mentioned and analysed in Chapter XIII, Division II, the list of gis and presents in Chapter VI, Division VI, not tabularised, only described; the synoptic data of a Kula expedition in Chapter XVI, and the table of Kula magic given in Chapter XVII. Here, I have not wanted to overload the account with charts, etc., preferring to reserve them till the full publication of my material. [przypis autorski] Argonauts of the Western Pacific Yüklə 5,03 Kb. Dostları ilə paylaş:
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