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language come to feel it necessary to use another language, „to the point
where they believe they can and should use only that foreign language
when it comes to transactions dealing with the more advanced aspects of
life‟ (Ansre, 1979, cited in Sliwe, 2008). Ansre is clearly describing a final
outcome, and the process of linguistic imperialism is
likely to be highly
contested. Though the present article is focused on issues of translation
in international business, the rise of English as a lingua franca through
linguistic imperialism forms an important backdrop our study, and we will
briefly explore this literature.
In her analysis of the complex patterns of linguistic imperialism in Poland
over two centuries, Sliwa (2008) provides interesting examples of how
such processes can arise and be enacted.
She notes that during the
period of partition (1815-1918), when Poland ceased be an independent
nation and was divided up between Prussia (later Germany) and Russia,
both of the colonising nations attempted (in somewhat different ways) to
assert the dominance of their language over Polish. These efforts met
with stubborn and highly organised resistance, and Sliwa suggests this
resistance to linguistic imperialism was a key
element in the creation of
Polish civic society. Since regaining independence in 1918 Poland has
remained a sovereign state but during the Soviet era there was
7
considerable pressure to accept Russian as a second language, a
pressure deeply resented by the Polish people. Against this backdrop of
successful Polish resistance to linguistic imperialism stretching back over
almost two centuries, it is perhaps surprising that in the post-Soviet era
very large numbers of Polish people have enthusiastically embraced the
linguistic imperialism associated with the rise and rise of English as a
global language.
The Iranian experience has some parallels with the Polish experience in
the post-Soviet era – see Tollefson (1991) for a detailed outline. Before
the fall of the Shah in 1979, English had been actively promoted in Iran as
a second language and became the major technical language of business,
the military, higher education, and the media, forming the basis for
engaging with modernisation and globalisation.
Following the Islamic
Revolution, English became associated with the regime of the Shah, and
with the two countries towards which the new regime was most hostile,
Britain and especially the USA which was seen as the primary external
opponent of the revolution. The status of English was greatly reduced by
the abandoning of the modernisation programme in which English had
played a key role, and which had become identified with increasing
domination of Iran by a Westernised elite. Ayatollah Khomeini associated
8
English with Western subjugation of the Iranian people, and urged his
followers not to buy or read books in which foreigners
were quoted, and
criticised the use of English in the names of stores, streets, clothing, and
other common objects (Khomeini, 1980). Despite all this, and a general
policy
of isolation, Iranian business has not been able to avoid the growing
influence of English as the lingua franca for international business.
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