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evidence that Snorri drew on this narrative as a
model and referent precisely
for its relationship to visual deceptions (i.e. in the broader narrative contexts
reflected in the prose) rather than insults of the senna. It draws attention to
the hapax lýsigull, which is only found in these two sources. Margaret
Clunies Ross shows that this term and motif most probably derive from the
learned Latin lapidary tradition, presumably adapted by Snorri specifically
to explain an obscure but central kenning, whereas it is irrelevant to both Frá
Ægi and Lokasenna.
49
These features support the probability that Frá Ægi has
been influenced by or adapted from Snorri’s summary.
Frá Loka describes the binding of Loki in a manner corresponding to
Snorri’s description in Gylfaginning, ch. 50, without a clear transition or
relation to the preceding text. This may simply be an appendix of unrelated
information about Loki much as Frá dauða Sinfj lta (‘Of the Death of
Sinfj lti’) appears between poems in the heroic section of the Codex Regius
collection. It exhibits a degree of verbal correspondence indicative of textual
dependence in what has been generally considered a summary of Snorri
description of this event in Edda.
50
The relationships between Frá Ægi and
Frá Loka and corresponding passages of
Edda present a probable scenario
that Snorri was adapting his knowledge of these traditions and Edda
impacted the documentation or manuscript transmission of this poem
within decades of being written.
51
This is consistent with Lindblad’s
argument that the prose texts were added to an earlier transcribed poetic
text in ca. 1250.
52
Even if Lindblad’s specific dating is questioned, it is based
on evidence that the prose texts were not originally orthographically
consistent with the poem and these were brought together in the process of
manuscript transmission: even if the poetic text of Lokasenna is proposed to
have been in written circulation by 1220, it remains more probable that these
prose sections were added in response to Snorri’s Edda rather than in
anticipation of it. If Edda impacted the prose associated with early recordings
of eddic poems, this presents the possibility that those impacts may have
extended to the poetic text, even if this was only in the process of copying
49
Margaret Clunies Ross, Skáldskaparmál: Snorri Sturluson’s ars poetica and Medieval Theories of
Language, Odense University Press: Odense 1987, at 139–150.
50
Wessén 1945; Lindblad 1954, 227–228; Gunnell 1995, 227–228; Frog 2010, 42–43.
51
The scribe does not seem to have been a slave to Snorri’s version (Frog 2010, 42–43, 324–325), yet
Heimir Pálsson (2010, 27–30) opens the possibility that the brief and paraphrased account of the binding
of the wolf Fenrir attached to copies of Skáldskaparmál is representative of an unpreserved redaction of
the Gylfaginning text. This presents at least the possibility that Frá Loka could reflect part of the same or
a similar redaction.
52
Lindblad 1954, esp. 286.
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earlier manuscripts, as was
the case in the example of Baldrs draumar above,
or perhaps in the initial documentation of orally derived verses.
6. Edda, Lokasenna and the Lexicon of Myth
The poetic text of Lokasenna has the character of a parody of a wisdom poem,
and its composition is marked by a striking number of words otherwise only
known from prose.
53
The senna appears centrally concerned with humorous
entertainment over any specific concern for referring to conventionally
understood or recognizable myths. Some verse material seems not to have
been understood while other verses were very possibly unfounded
fabrications.
54
As Rudolf Simek has put it, “hardly any of the accusations in
Lokasenna can be verified through other sources, and some [...] seem
intended as mere slanderous jibes.”
55
Caution is required when using
Lokasenna as a source for mythology, and correspondences between
Lokasenna and
Edda not attested elsewhere warrant scrutiny.
The vernacular apocalypse was referred to in verse with the
alliterating collocation and kenning
ragna r k (‘(final) fates of the gods’).
56
Snorri consistently refers to this event with the metaphorical expression
ragna røk(
k)
r (‘twilight of the gods’).
57
Ragna r k is treated by scholarship as
the common noun for the vernacular apocalypse of Old Norse mythology,
but the genitive modifier was flexible, allowing different patterns of
alliteration such as “aldar r k” (‘(final) fates of the age’) (Vm 39.4–5).
58
Snorri
deploys
ragna røk(
k)
r systematically in spite of a clear familiarity with a
broad range of poems and their conventions, and he paraphrases rather than
quotes verses in which ragna r k or its equivalent occur. The use of røk(k)r as
a base-word in this construction is otherwise only found in Lokasenna, st. 39,
53
von See et al., Kommentar, 2.379–380, 381.
54
Barbro Söderberg, ‘Till tolkningen av några dunkla passager i Lokasenna’, Scripta Islandica 35 (1984),
43–86; John McKinnell, ‘Motivation in Lokasenna’, Saga-Book 22 (1986–1989), 234–262.
55
Rudolf Simek, ‘Mythological Poetry in Medieval Iceland and France in the 12
th
Century’, in L. P.
upecki & J. Morawiec (eds), Between Paganism, 76–84, at 78; cf. von See et al., Kommentar, 2.369.
56
Cf. von See et al., Kommentar, 2.465; the DONP lists no examples of ragna r k/røk(k)r in prose
outside of
Edda;
on verse material, see
LP,
s.v. ‘røkr’.
57
Haraldur Bernharðsson has recently reviewed the etymological relationship of these terms in ‘Old
Icelandic
ragnarök and
ragnarökkr’, in A. J. Nussbaum (ed),
Verba Docenti: Studies in Historical and
Indo-European Linguistics, Beech Stave Press: Ann Arbor, MI 2007, 25–38.
58
Cf. tíva r k [‘fates of the gods’], þjóða r k [‘fates of peoples’]; Hugo Gering, Vollständiges
Wörterbuch zu den Liedern der Edda, Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses: Halle 1903, at 837–838; on
synonymic variation for accomplishing metrical alliteration, cf. Frog & Jonathan Roper, ‘Verses versus
the ‘Vanir’: Response to Simek’s “Vanir Obituary”’, RMN Newsletter 2 (2011), 29–37, at 29–31.