Hamsa. Journal of Judaic and Islamic Studies 2 (2015): 1-13
11
implication of moral failure
33
. This shame results in a negative evaluation of the self. In Iran the
Jews were accused of tainting Shi’a purity as they were considered unclean resulting in the
shame caused by Shi’a contempt for the Iranian Jews.
To varying extents the protagonists construct an imagined past attempting to subvert the
reality of the past. Some of my interviewees rationalized previous discrimination against Jews,
and while the reasons they provide are undoubtedly valid, the interviewees’ stance is arguably
indicative of desired meaning in the need for nostalgia and commensurate belonging. They
explained the Muslim belief in najes in various ways: Muslims who believed in the impure Jew
were illiterate (IV F.Sedighim, 25.10.2009); ignorant, believed government propaganda (IV
Yacoubian, 21.10.2009; G.Cohen, 26.6.09), were indoctrinated by their parents (IV G.Cohen,
26.6.09) and Jews themselves were to blame as they separated themselves from Muslims (IV
Kamkar, 4.11.2009). Goel Cohen states that traditionally, Iranians treat a fellow citizen who
holds a different belief as inferior and this belief in the inequality of human beings is a deeply
rooted phenomenon
34
. The protagonists thereby ascribe selective meaning to past oppression
to obviate conflicted memory and in order for nostalgia to occur.
Yet, Iranian Jewish exilic memory calls into question this rationalisation and serves to expel
oblivion and forgetting and to remember the insults and offensive behaviour towards the
Jews. A shift from being defined and victimised as object in Iran, to being subject defining their
own experiences in exile, is thereby represented. As they were silenced for so long, in exile
they want at last to speak out to tell their version of the truth. One catalyst is their experience
of political conflict, revolution and the shock of displacement. The other factor is the distance
of exile enabling new insights, perspectives, vision of Iran and critical distance to be gained and
the Iranian Jewish opportunity to control events of the past through re-shaping and re-telling
them. They do so through verbal discourse which is analogous to testimony and is tantamount
to a site of catharsis and transformation in relation to the transmitted narrative of oppression
of the Jewish community: “It is narrative integration that produces the memory of the
traumatic event. It is when they become full-blown narratives that these memories tell stories
of blame and guilt”
35
. The contrast between the repressed narrative of trauma and the verbal
representation from the space of exile is striking and suggests a tension between the narrated
time about the past which is written time, and the discursive, verbal time about the past
narrated from the exilic present
36
.
33
H. Katchadourian,
Guilt: The Bite of Conscience, Stanford, Stanford General Books, 2010, p. 16.
34
Goel Cohen, ed.,
A Follower of Culture: Brief History of the Alliance Israelite Universelle in Iran.
Memoirs of Elias Eshaghian,
Los Angeles, Sina Research Based Publications, 2008, p. 26.
35
Mieke Bal, Jonathan Crewe and Leo Spitzer, eds., Acts of Memory: Cultural Recall in the Present,
Hanover, University Press of New England, 1999, p. 255.
36
Ricoeur defines catharsis as a process linking cognition, imagination and feeling (1988: Vol.1, 50). He
observes that history becomes human time through narration and. narrative only becomes meaningful
in the context of temporal existence (ibid: 52). For Ricoeur the interrogation of Aristotle’s Poetics
provides the opportunity to compare lived experience and discourse in the context of time and
narrative. Aristotle’s mimesis is not an identical replica of action but he privileges emplotment or
muthos which is the organisation of events into a system. The heterogeneous elements of a life story
are brought together as a coherent narrative of causality and continuity which is a sequence of events
configured in such a way as to represent symbolically what would otherwise be inexpressible in
language, namely the human experience of time. The verbal narrative is a constitutive narrative that
elaborates on the traumatic past in terms of past actions being reconstructed and interpreted from the
perspective of the present. Hence a form of emplotment is enacted which recovers the past verbally. In
exile the protagonists are situated outside familiar time and space and thus there is an absence of linear
time in exile which Ricoeur calls cosmological time. A further form of time is phenomenological time,
experienced in terms of the past, present and future and he postulates that human time combines
cosmological and phenomenological times. Furthermore he links lived time with cosmological time to
form historical time but is aware of the difficulty of using this theory for a past that has disappeared as
Hamsa. Journal of Judaic and Islamic Studies 2 (2015): 1-13
12
The elaboration on trauma about discrimination out of the mahaleh under the Shah took
place in interviews through which I began to understand that the trauma was internalised
significantly more than my initial reading of the literary texts had suggested. In a sense the
interviewees fill in the absent words not represented in print. All the interviewees were aware
of past najes asserting that it was very prevalent in juxtaposition with fear and humiliation,
that significant prejudice against Jews existed and that Jews always had to be on guard.
Muslims had a higher status with more rights and Jews were under their control and hence a
dual system existed. A constant theme was the profound humiliation experienced by the Jews
and the concomitant agony of being shaped by another. There was a Jewish consciousness
that Jews were regarded differently by Muslims and not as real Iranians (IV Nahai, 27.10.2009;
Kahen, 4.12.2009). Negative incidents and experiences occurred because ‘in the end we were
Jews who were never allowed opportunities in Iran’ (IV Mossanen, 26.10.2009). Nahai
observed mistreatment of Jews by Muslims including derogatory name calling and was aware
that Muslims demonised Jews exemplified by the accusation that they killed Muslim children
to make matzo. Jewish children were stoned by Muslims in the 1940s and up to the mid-1950s
(IV Sedaghatfar, 2.11.2009; G.Cohen, 26.6.2009). Muslim shopkeepers would forbid their fruit
to be touched by Jews who felt unable to protest about it (IV Sedighim, 25.10.2009;
S.Chanukah, 23.7.2009; G.Cohen, 26.6.2009) and at Muslim weddings tea glasses were turned
sideways to denote Jews had drunk from them (IV Kamran, 27.10.2009). Nonetheless, it was
claimed that a settled understanding existed between Jews and Muslims rather than animosity
(IV Homa Sarshar, 29.10.2009) and many of the interviewees had Muslim friends (IV
Sedaghatfar, 2.11.2009; Nahai, 27.10.2009; Sarshar, 29.10.2009; Kahen, 4.12.2009).
Because the exiled Iranian Jews refuse to forget the memory of discrimination, a
discrepancy exists between Iranian Jewish memory and hegemonic Iranian memory. In Iran,
because the majority Muslim population perceived Iranian Jews as a marginalised group, they
did not consider them to be full members of the nation. Although Connerton assumes that the
collective possesses unconscious collective memories, in my view the exiled Iranian Jewish
memories appear to be located in the conscious as if the memories are too traumatic to be
repressed any longer, as they were in Iran in the attempt to belong to the imagined nation.
Hence having mutual origins in Iran does not automatically translate to a Jewish sense of
belonging to the Iranian, diasporic community. The lack of a homogeneous memory between
Jews and Muslims is one factor accounting for the problematic relationship between them in
exile.
Crucially, in exile, collective, Iranian Jewish discourse attempts to resist and eradicate the
ambivalence of Iranian Jewish identity. It takes the form of some Iranian Jews insisting that
they belong to Iran and indeed, that they are the true Iranians who profoundly affected Iranian
culture and language
37
and lived in Iran before the Muslim conquest and therefore lived there
longer than the Muslims (IV Sedaghatfar, 2.11.2009; Yacoubian, 21.10.2009; Kahen, 4.12.2009;
Hakakian 2.9.2006 [www]). In Land of No Hakakian emphatically states that Iranian Jews’
history preceded that of Muslims by several hundred years (NO: 7) and in Septembers of Shiraz
Farnaz’s father categorically informs his daughter that Jews are Iranians who have been in Iran
a very long time, since before the time of Cyrus (SH: 166). Iranian Jews thereby resist their
exclusion from the Iranian nation and the assertion by some Muslims that Jews are not real
Iranians. Exile enables the Iranian Jews to attempt to take control of their own collective
memory to resist and eradicate the ambivalence and guilt of Iranian Jewish identity and to
history has connotations of reality. Exilic time may represent freedom from past lived time as present
time represents time-out-of-joint as it has been ruptured from familiar lived time so that the present
state of temporality leads to the interviewees’ externalisation of the transmission of trauma, ascribing
of blame and attempt to understand the past, thereby constructing their interpretation of historical
time.
37
The oldest modern Persian is written in Hebrew and is Judeo-Persian.
Hamsa. Journal of Judaic and Islamic Studies 2 (2015): 1-13
13
resist their exclusion from the Iranian nation. They insist that they are more authentic Iranians
than Muslim Iranians and this declaration therefore represents an insistence on belonging and
on casting off the guilt of impurity. Through the imagined return to origins, the Iranian Jews
create an Iranian Jewish collective memory which represents Iranian Jewish identity as fully
Iranian because of its Jewish identity. By creating a counter-memory, the Iranian Jews seek to
exert some control of Iranian memory, inscribing themselves in Iranian history in contestation
with hegemonic, Iranian Muslim memory. Their re-instatement and glorification in the Iranian
narrative of nation is crucial for them because in exile it enables them to claim belonging to
the Iranian nation thereby establishing self-identity for survival in exile.
In this paper, I demonstrate the complex multiple effects on and within the Iranian Jewish
community of the projection of impurity on to the Iranian Jews by the Shi’a and the
ambivalence in the Jewish desire to belong as Iranians despite their continued designation as
najes. Yet, it is apparent that the Iranian assumption is that the Jewish community must
suppress manifestations of Jewish identity to achieve or acquiesce with national identity. The
Jewish attempt to establish subjectivity in the new exilic space has ramifications in terms of
their collective memory and new constructions of Iranian Jewish belonging to Iran.
Abbreviations:
IV – Interview
Literary works
Goldin, Farideh (2003)
Wedding Song. Hanover: Brandeis University Press. (
WS)
Hakakian, Roya (2004)
Journey from the Land of No. New York: Three Rivers Press. (
NO)
Kahen, Mojgan (2011)
Les Murs et Le Miroir. Paris: L’Harmattan. (
MM)
Nahai, Gina (1999)
Moonlight on the Avenue of Faith. New York: Harcourt Brace. (
MO)
Nahai, Gina (2007
) Caspian Rain. San Francisco: MacAdam/Cage. (
CR)
Sofer, Dalia (2007)
Septembers of Shiraz. London: Picador. (
SH)