Hamsa. Journal of Judaic and Islamic Studies 2 (2015): 1-13
7
behaviour of fellow Jews in business but this insider self-criticism is not analagous to self-
hatred. This antithesis suggests that self-identity is dependent upon the existence of the
Muslims but that Jewish subjectivity enables identity to be controlled by the Jewish self and
this duality is an effect of the Jewish desire for acceptance as Iranians.
The notion of a layered, Jewish self is substantiated by the protagonists resorting to
dissimulation and equivocation to ensure survival and to respond to the fear of persecution.
The practice of dissimulation linked to the internalised fear of persecution had become an
integral part of the Judeo-Persian psyche that could not be eradicated from the collective
instinct. Iranian Jews adhered to a tradition of dissimulation both for survival and to safeguard
their ancient heritage and Houman Sarshar constructs constant dissimulation as a positive
paradigm which is an intrinsic part of Iranian Jewish identity and collective memory. It is
evident that, rather than Jewish self-hatred, Jewish layered behaviour suggests the compulsion
to preserve Jewish identity
24
. In Caspian Rain (CR: 138) some Muslims appear to embrace the
Jews but being sophisticated, merely pretend to do so. This covert anti-Semitism takes the
form of disguising their views in interaction with the Jewish person while promulgating them.
Yet in addition, because of their innate insecurity, the Shi’a Muslims similarly practise
dissimulation which is taqqiyah
25
. Furthermore, all Iranians generally, conceal their secret
intentions (baten) and their external aspects (zaher). They use various techniques to protect
the self and to advance personal goals, notably taqqiyah and zerangi; the latter is cleverness,
meaning the art of disguising one’s intent to obtain what is wanted. Hence, neither Jew nor
Muslim discloses the self leading to a layered Jewish self communicating with a layered Muslim
self. Yet, more dissimulation is necessitated by the Jews for Muslim acceptance and to avert
anti-Semitism.
However, the adoption of the diminution of Jewish tradition and of exteriority, mimicry and
dissimulation result in what I call ‘passive’ anti-Semitism which is a further trauma. By ‘passive’
anti-Semitism, I mean anti-Semitism as a lack of recognition of Jews, Judaism and the Jewish
heritage resulting in their negation. Both G. Cohen (IV 26.6.2009) and Yacoubian (IV
21.10.2009) assert that Iranian Muslims lack any knowledge about Judaism. Hakakian (IV
2.9.2006) insists that Jewish obscurity is the worst trauma the Muslims have inflicted upon the
Jews. The invisibility of the Jews to the Muslims is caused by the Jews adopting an Iranian
identity which elides their Jewish identity. Although in my view, exteriority, mimicry and
dissimulation constitute a defense mechanism to disavow the trauma of the fear of not
belonging, mimicry also disguises and conceals nature. Crucially, the Jewish adoption of
mimicry in their attempt to achieve an Iranian identity entails an exclusively Jewish approach
towards the Muslims resulting in a lack of Muslim reciprocity. Hakakian contends that Jews
have always been admired for being “completely Iranian” meaning indistinguishable from
Muslims (IV 2.9.2006). Because of the Jews’ Iranian identity, Muslim Iranians have never
gained an insight into Jewish life: “Muslim Iranians…have never known us as Jews: in our
synagogues, wrapped in prayer shawls, at our holiday tables recounting the history of our
struggles” (ibid). Farideh comments that her progressive Muslim friend has no knowledge of
the oppression Jews had felt for generations (WS: 183) while Yaas observes that most Muslims
have never seen or tasted traditional Jewish-Iranian food (CR: 82). The protagonists thereby
24
Houman Sarshar, “The Culture Heroes: Dissimulation and the Legacy of Esther’s Children” in Houman
Sarshar, ed.,
Esther's Children: A Portrait of Iranian Jews. Beverly Hills, Calif. and Philadelphia, The
Center for Iranian Jewish Oral History and The Graduate Society Foundation, in association with the
Jewish Publication Society, 2002, p. xviii.
25
Taqqiyah developed when Shi’ites were endangered or persecuted. Beliefs, convictions, ideas, feelings
and opinions are concealed or disguised at a time of danger in order to avert physical or mental harm.
Some Shi’te sects survived and developed in this way under the dominant Sunnis - Moojan Momen, An
Introduction to Shi’i Islam: The History and Doctrines of Twelver Shi’ism, New Haven, Yale University
Press, 1995, p. 39.
Hamsa. Journal of Judaic and Islamic Studies 2 (2015): 1-13
8
enunciate a desire for Muslim recognition as Jews as it is a trauma that their Jewish identity is
unacknowledged.
Indeed, the dynamic of non-recognition of Jewish identity is reminiscent of Sartre’s
discourse of the democrat’s perspective
26
. While the anti-Semite sees in Jews only their
Jewishness and not their humanity, the democrat regards Jews exclusively as human beings.
Paradoxically, the anti-Semites and the democrats both long for a world without Jews. The
anti-Semite wants to eliminate the Jews and the progressive wants them to be assimilated and
thus become only citizens. The democrat advocates the universal subject of the rights of man
and the citizen and fears collectivities. Yet, national Iranian identity is that of the privileged
(Islamic) collectivity and hence Jewish identity is not recognised as Iranian. Yet, the
protagonists resist the democrat’s call as they desire recognition as “authentic” Jews, meaning
Iranian Jews. This is a facet that differs from Sartre’s imagined “authentic” Jew who is defined
solely as a Jew by the anti-Semite: “for he accepts the obligation to live in a situation that is
defined precisely by the fact that it is unlivable; he derives his pride from his humiliation”
27
.
Drawing on Sartre’s notion of the “authentic” Jew’s recognition that he is a projection of the
anti-Semite’s imagination, Baum stresses the Jew’s consciousness of his negative situation and
position of passivity and humiliation
28
. Accordingly, she postulates that the “authentic” Jew
lacks agency and therefore needs advocates such as Sartre, to testify for him/her. However,
the obverse applies to the Iranian Jews as they are aware of the dangers of being “inauthentic”
Jews, resulting in a lack of agency and their own voice. Therefore, it is the “inauthentic” Jew,
rather than the “authentic”, who recognises himself/herself. The effect of Iranian Jewish
shame, some self-hatred and layered behaviour is not only the diminution of Jewish identity or
the adoption of an ambivalent identity, but also the invisibility and insignificance of the Jewish
religion for the Muslim majority. This paradigm suggests that manifestations of Jewish identity
are incompatible with Iranian identity and that adopting an Iranian identity and suppressing
their Jewish identity is indicative of exile as they are overtly alienated from one facet of their
identity.
Jewish Gendered Trauma
In some Jewish women’s attempts to achieve an Iranian identity, Jewish shame and self-
hatred are particularly marked and function to project qualities unacceptable in their own self-
image on to Jewish women whose qualities they deem to resemble those of poor, traditional,
mahaleh Jews who were denoted impure. The contempt for female
mahaleh Jews by more
assimilated Jewish women represents a Jewish, gendered, class divide. Affluent Jewish women
attempt to obviate anti-Semitism and claim an Iranian national identity by demonstrating to
the dominant Muslims that they are not inferior Jews. This involves forgetting, concealing and
repressing their humble, mahaleh, Jewish roots which is a traumatic memory reminding them
that they were once denigrated, meek and poor which in their view equates to being the
despised mahaleh Jews. The derision represents the contempt for the self as innately mahaleh
Jews. Sartre differentiates between the “authentic” and “inauthentic” Jew suggesting that the
authentic Jew lives to the full his condition as Jew whereas the inauthentic Jew denies it or
attempts to escape from it
29
. The main problem with Sartre’s position is that he denies any
subjectivity to the Jewish person as he claims that it is the non-Jew who designates a person as
a Jew and that it is the anti-Semite who makes the Jew
30
and defines Jews in exclusively
negative terms. While he applies the notion of “authentic” and “inauthentic” Jews to the
26
Jean-Paul Sartre, Anti-Semite and Jew..., p.57.
27
Ibid. p. 137.
28
Devorah Baum, “Trauma: An Essay on Jewish Guilt”, English Studies in Africa 52:1 (2009), p.20.
29
Jean-Paul Sartre, Anti-Semite and Jew..., p. 91.
30
Ibid. p. 69.