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and/ or truthful? To what extend do they support or prevent rational
understanding and undamaged intersubjectivity?
In the case of prognostic-/ retrospective critique, critique intends to
transform conditions. The DHA has already pointed to Habermas‟ concept of
deliberative democracy which rests on an open, taboo-free extension of
communication. Tendencies pointing in this direction illustrate a process of
successful learning. Insofar, current conditions and the development of
discourses can well be criticised prognostically against the backdrop of such a
concept of democracy. At the same time, prognostic critique is always linked
to retrospective critique which asks: what should we remember (in order to
achieve a more deliberative community)? Consequently, critique has to
promote an inclusive self-critical reference to one‟s own tradition, e.g. the
recognition of one‟s own (wrong) past, instead of exclusionary chauvinistic
narratives (1974b: 121).
4.2
… and P
ractice
Although I argue that the theoretical benefits (the foundation of critique) are
of major importance, I will now illustrate how Habermas‟ concept of validity
claims could become part of a discourse-historical analysis. Being aware of
the sophistication of the existing discourse-analytical tool-kit, such would
explicitly implement the theoretical benefits of a social theory which is able to
provide foundations for emancipatory critique and enable new perspectives on
texts. In the following, I will try to outline such a perspective. However, due
to space-restrictions, I am not able to provide a detailed analysis. Neither the
historical context nor intertextual and interdiscursive relations are
introduced. Neither are topoi operationalised nor strategies of nomination,
prediction, argumentation, perspectivation and intensification/ mitigation
discussed (Reisigl and Wodak 2001, 2009; Wodak 2001b). Rather, the aim is
to describe directions such an implementation might take.
The text below represents about half of a newspaper article which was
published during the debate over the war in Iraq in 2002/03 in Germany. It
was published by the leading (conservative) broadsheet, the Frankfurter
Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) under the title
Happy Days (Klein 2003).
Generally, the German debate was similar to other European debates as most
comments were highly sceptical towards George W. Bush‟s aims and claims.
The FAZ, being a conservative newspaper, took a slightly different position
and did not fully reject Bush‟s plans. However, the article is of particular
interest as it points to a new, counterintuitive and highly subtle strategy to
construct a positive self image by confessing guilt. By arguing that the in-
group (Germans) learnt the bitter lessons from the Second World War and the
extermination of six million Jews, the Germans constructed as morally
superior to those having, allegedly, not learnt these lessons (for more details
on what I call a rhetoric of judge-penitence, cf. Forchtner forthcoming a, b):
The USA has assembled to eradicate the evil of the world root and branch.
Every American who carries his heart on his right sleeve feels the unconditional
“now” of this mission. (…) We have played “Punch, Devil, Policeman” long
enough in Europe. The puppets went all around. Germany has held its hand in
the mould of the Prince of Darkness quite enough. And the worst thing is: we
can even still remember it. The USA will not forgive us for exactly that: we
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know the game which is to be played. (…) The USA must not forgive us for that!
The tunnel vision of the American commanders is starting to flicker irritatedly.
Europe, however, is experiencing happy days: in the eye of American paranoia,
there where their pupil is really black, our truth also sparkles. (Klein 2003)
Analysing validity claims in written texts cannot primarily focus on the
content of raised claims as we are unable to follow the development of the
debate and the justification of its arguments. We shall, rather, analyse the
form of arguments, in particular the form of its justification. That is: does the
text enable an undistorted exploration of differences; does it allow an open
and critical discussion? Or does it serve the construction of boundaries which
lead to closed worldviews?
The section starts with plain assertions: it is the US which is actively engaged
„to eradicate‟ (auszurotten) „the evil of the world root and branch‟ which is
described as an „unconditional “now”‟. This truth claim suggests that „the‟ US
or „every‟ American share these beliefs – it certainly does not enable a
differentiated debate over US politics or the pluralist character of its society.
There is a potentially crucial qualification to this interpretation as Klein refers
to Americans carrying their heart on their right sleeve. We do not know the
intention of the author and neither do we know how this vague qualification is
understood by different audience. What can be said is that Klein has
generalised before („The USA‟) and, more substantially, predicated this entity
by linking it to „eradicate‟ which in German carries clear associations to Nazi-
policies of annihilation. I thus argue that for at least parts of the public this
qualification does not encourage differentiation. Such generalisations close
the argument through an argumentum ad hominem which (in)directly attacks
the other‟s character, in this case as being fanatical („unconditional “now”‟).
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After this characterisation of the other, Klein constructs the in-group. The
author does not refer to glorious and heroic pasts – the way communities
generally construct a positive self image. Instead, he stresses guilt, evil and
shameful aspects by pointing to the „devil‟ and the „Prince of Darkness‟. Again,
this is primarily a truth claim as it refers to historical evidence. However, it
also carries a rightness claim as the acknowledgement of an inglorious chapter
of the nation is supported (Confessions of guilt frame the official discourse in
Germany‟s public sphere but this claim is certainly contested in some
conservative circles which demand an end to self-critical debates).
Subsequently, another truth and rightness claim is raised in the next two
sentences: historia magistra vitae, we „still remember‟ and „know the game‟
which refers to actually existing public debates, educational efforts, etc. But it
is also based on a common understanding that it is right that German society
remembers and makes confessions of guilt part of its identity as such an self-
understanding creates a more inclusive public sphere by recognising the
other‟s suffering. However, the text does not stop here but proceeds in order
to instrumentalise these confessions.
The text‟s final sentences illustrate this instrumentalisation in order to
construct a
negative other as morally inferior. Klein does so by implicitly
suggesting a successfully accomplished German-European learning process.
He constructs the knowledge of the in-group‟s past as a virtue („we know the
game‟ thanks to our dark past) and raises a truth claim regarding the reaction
of the US: they „must not forgive us‟. Again, this also includes a claim to what