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What land gave birth to Columbia University in 1754? A colony
ruled by a monarch, a land of taxation without representation, where
general writs of assistance enabled the well connected to enter a home
and terrorize its occupants at will.
What land gave birth to New York University in 1831? A nation
where some people owned others as chattel slaves, a nation that was in
the process of driving its natives onto reservations, a nation that would, a
century later, force some of its citizens into internment camps while sus-
taining a comprehensive structure of school and housing segregation for
others.
What land gave birth to Cornell University in 1865? A nation where
no woman could vote, married women could not own property, and con-
traception was banned. A nation whose twentieth century history fea-
tured bans on interracial marriage, sterilization of the mentally ill, and
the use of dogs, water cannons, and prisons to silence protests against
racial inequality and war.
These great universities, bastions of academic freedom, have thrived
in a nation that today continues to impose the death penalty, to water-
board prisoners of war, and to prohibit gays from marrying. It is a nation
whose governmental processes have historically featured Tammany Hall
in New York and Daley’s machine in Chicago and whose government
today is shut down in part because voting districts are gerrymandered to
protect officials from democratic accountability.
Please do not misunderstand me. This litany is not intended to prove
that America is a bad country. It is certainly not intended to prove that
China and America are the same.
My point here is that critics make an egregious error when they sug-
gest that a great research university can exist only in an idealized land.
America was not formed as a perfect society. Its greatness has always
resided in its aspiration to become a more perfect union. America’s uni-
versities have not been tainted by America’s imperfections, and they are
not so fragile that they could not thrive despite them.
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Indeed, America’s universities have been an important part of Ameri-
ca’s progress. American universities do not hold any institutional duty to
fix the nation’s larger problems. They do not operate as shadow gov-
ernments, speaking out as universities in favor of alternative policies.
But America’s universities do promote progress vicariously, through
the words and deeds of their students, their faculty members, and their
graduates. Throughout our history, ideas formulated and developed on
our campuses have taken root in the larger society. Young people
trained in our classrooms have gone on to lead the process of creative
evolution that has brought us to our present situation.
Does this mean that the participation of universities like ours in other,
less perfect societies will cause them to become more like America? Not
necessarily. I do, however, believe that, as long as the fundamentals of
academic freedom are respected, they will not be tainted and they will
not crumple; rather, they will help other countries to better achieve their
highest potentials.
The fourth claim – the legitimation claim – moves in a different direc-
tion. Instead of suggesting that a bad environment will keep an Ameri-
can university from thriving, it suggests that even if the university thrives
it will do so at an intolerable price. It suggests that, merely by their pres-
ence, American universities are implicitly blessing all the practices of the
government that hosts them, thereby strengthening that government’s
grip on power and ultimately doing harm to the larger society.
It is important to recall once more that American universities do not
carry an institutional duty to fix America’s flaws. They play their part in
social progress by teaching, conducting research, and providing public
service, without making the nation’s structural flaws worse. Their silence
as institutions in the face of national problems did not legitimate those
problems. Their status as places for critical thought helped to pave the
path towards improvement. Analogous principles should govern the ac-
tivity of American universities in China.
To be sure, American universities have been tainted when they active-
ly aligned themselves with indefensible conduct. When they imposed
Jewish quotas and loyalty oaths, their ethical fragility was exposed. So,
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too, if an American university were to engage in or apologize for immor-
al practices in any country, it would be rightly open to criticism. It does
not follow, however, that a university should refrain from entering onto
troubled soil.
* * *
This conference calls upon us to “explore the value of China.” For a
great American research university, that value is potentially enormous –
for the university itself, its students, and its faculty, and for the larger
societies of the United States and China. I am delighted that NYU has
taken the lead in developing that value and has not been deterred by in-
tellectually sloppy criticisms. I am equally delighted that, last month,
Duke University was granted approval to develop that value in its own,
distinctive way. It is my fervent hope that in the years to come more
American universities will step forward and participate in this vital pro-
cess of building ever-stronger intellectual bridges between the two most
important countries in the world.