4
believe that they should be asked to. And even if it were possible to op-
erate in this manner, the university would be seriously damaging its repu-
tation for quality worldwide.
The economies-of-scale view is also, in my opinion, seriously flawed.
To be sure, universities do reap some economies of scale whenever they
grow. But at the level of scale we are talking about the vast bulk of the
costs of operating a university are marginal costs, not fixed costs. Thou-
sands more students require hundreds more professors and support staff,
not to mention computers, and overseas operations entail a need for more
academic administrators as well. And while some things are certainly
less expensive in China (food, for example), global operations entail ad-
ditional “network costs” (most notably travel) that fully devour any scale
economies that might exist. In fact, an American university must exer-
cise enormous discipline if it wishes to produce the same teaching, re-
search, and service value on a China campus as it does on its home cam-
pus using the same mix of tuition, government support, and philanthropy
that it uses here.
If the value to a great American research university of engaging in
China is not economic, what is it? Please return with me to our raison
d’être. Great research universities exist to serve humanity through teach-
ing, research, and public service. We can do all of those things better if
we are in China.
Our teaching impact can be greater if we extend the virtues of our ex-
isting pedagogies – the virtues of liberal education, and the virtues of a
system that requires students to be active rather than passive learners –
into the world’s largest country. Just as importantly, our teaching impact
can be greater if we use a China presence to improve our existing peda-
gogies, so that they are more authentically multicultural. Our deeper un-
derstanding of how to incorporate a substantive Chinese perspective into
our classes, as well as our deeper understanding of how best to teach the
skills of multicultural cooperation, can undoubtedly improve the quality
of teaching that we offer on our American campuses.
Our research impact can also be greater if we are present in China.
China holds the promise of an important, new, fertile research environ-
5
ment. The country has reached a point of developmental take-off where
it is now able to invest significant human and financial resources into the
quest for deeper understanding. Whether one is interested in history, phi-
losophy, economics, neural science, data science, urbanization, or solar
energy, China is an enormously promising place to be.
And what about our public service impact? As every participant in
this conference is well aware, the entire world has a powerful interest in
seeing China successfully complete the dramatic change that is under-
way. Over the past 35 years China has remade itself economically, so-
cially, culturally, and politically, but the process of reform and opening
up still has an enormous distance to go. Every day, China’s political
leaders talk publicly and privately about a set of topics that include the
rule of law, corruption, environmental pollution, internal migration, in-
come inequality, and innovation. A great research university has much to
contribute to those efforts as part of its mission of service to humanity.
Teaching, research, and service – not money – are the so-called “val-
ue proposition” that justifies an American university’s engagement with
China today. To my eyes, that value is enormous. And yet one does not
have to look far to find commentators who challenge that value, some-
times vociferously.
The criticism looks like this:
“China has grave problems that reduce the potential ben-
efits to a university’s teaching, research, and service.
Moreover, engaging China causes independent damage that
outweighs any residual benefits that might remain.”
What are the problems that concern these commentators? The most
frequently mentioned are one-party rule by a Communist Party, re-
strictions on citizens’ access to information through the Great Firewall of
China, restrictions on citizens’ ability to criticize the government, and
state-conducted, state-supported, or state-tolerated violence towards po-
litical dissenters. Depending on the critic, these primary concerns may
be supplemented by others, including pollution; income inequality; disre-
spect for intellectual property; discrimination based on ethnicity, gender,
6
or sexual orientation; intolerance for political secession movements; the
death penalty; and compulsory military training.
To take these criticisms seriously, it is important to understand the
mechanisms by which (a) such problems could diminish the value I have
described in the areas of teaching, research, and service, and/or (b) a uni-
versity that engages a country with such problems might cause independ-
ent harms that would offset any residual value from engagement. It ap-
pears that the critics are relying on four different mechanisms. Three of
those mechanisms – which I shall refer to as the impossibility claim, the
taint claim, and the fragility claim – concern ways in which work in Chi-
na might not produce the teaching, research, and service value I have
described. The fourth mechanism – which I shall refer to as the legitima-
tion claim – concerns a way in which work in China might cause inde-
pendent harm.
The most important claim is the impossibility claim. According to its
proponents, it is impossible for an American university in China to oper-
ate with the robust academic freedom that is necessary for it to provide
students with a liberal education, to engage in valuable research, or to
provide meaningful public service. If this argument had merit, it would
surely make no sense for an American research university to operate in
China. For that reason, the argument warrants a careful response.
Let me be clear about what robust academic freedom entails. It calls
for unfettered freedom on the part of university community members to
read and discuss ideas and arguments, even if those ideas and arguments
are objectionable to individuals who hold public or private power within
the society.
In my opinion, part of the greatness of American research universities
has derived from their overall success in providing sufficiently robust
academic freedom. The word “sufficiently” is important. American re-
search universities have not in the past and do not today provide perfectly
robust academic freedom. We must never forget the McCarthy years; for
those of you who are interested in reading about craven behavior during
that era by putative champions of academic freedom, I commend to you
Stephen Aby’s article, “Discretion over Valor: The AAUP During the
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