21
full complement of newspapers, but a significant and substantial sample
representing tabloid and broadsheet, conservative and liberal – around the notion of
Ian Blair not only as a politicised Commissioner, but as a time-limited liability. The
Commissioner’s attempts to push back against the news agenda had unequivocally
backfired. His ‘natural’ position in the ‘hierarchy of credibility’ was being shredded,
even, it seemed, in the eyes of his news media supporters. The press were firmly in
control of the news agenda, and were speaking with an increasingly coherent and
consensual voice. A dominant ‘inferential structure’ had now crystallised around Sir
Ian Blair. His initial news media construction as a ‘politicised’ Commissioner, and
then as an ‘operationally compromised’ Commissioner’, was consolidated into and
superseded by a ‘master status’: the ‘Gaffe-Prone’ Commissioner.
Our research indicates that the crystallisation of a common news media vocabulary
provided the framework within which the Commissioner’s future activities would be
ordered and interpreted as ‘news’. Furthermore, it offered journalists a means of
historicising and retroactively making sense of Blair’s past words and deeds. The
caricature of Blair as unfailingly ‘gaffe-prone’ established a dominant inferential
structure within which previously isolated incidents could be re-visited, re-
connected, and re-presented as an essentialising narrative with plenty of room for
further development. Journalists were also on the lookout for anything that could
trip up the Commissioner. Newspapers across the political spectrum, in addition to
police officers and politicians, converged around one amplifying and de-legitimising
question: ‘When will the gaffe-prone Sir Ian Blair go?’.
The Sentence: ‘Unfit for Office’ – Blair Must Go
By the end of January 2006, headlines were declaring that the ‘Gaffe Prone’
Commissioner was not only haemorrhaging cross-party political support, but had lost
his grip on the MPS and was bearing the brunt of rank-and-file dissatisfaction. The
Metropolitan Police Federation, representing some 25,000 officers in London, had
been asked by then Deputy Commissioner (and Blair’s successor as Commissioner),
Sir Paul Stephenson, to issue a public statement of support for the Commissioner.
They declined, and a series of off-the-record briefings appeared to confirm that Blair
22
had been ‘placed on notice’ by his own people ( Daily Mail, 3
rd
February, 2006: 13).
The nature of the leaks from insubordinate officers indicated that Scotland Yard was
riven with personality feuding more rancorous than any fictional police drama.
Blair’s much-feted ‘Together’ reform programme had not survived his first year in
office. Further reports disclosed that, whilst the Commissioner had received the
backing of Prime Minister Tony Blair, his ‘Soham gaffe’ had prompted three
Conservative MPs to sign an early day motion calling for his resignation and
demanding that he ‘put an end to his 'thoughtless self publicity’’ (Daily Mail, 3
rd
Feb,
2006: 13). Blair’s press construction offers a stark illustration of what can happen
when metropolitan news media politics, party politics and police politics coalesce:
‘Is it time for Sir Ian Blair to quit the Met?’ (Daily Express, 30
th
January 2006:
45)
‘Is Sir Ian fit to be top cop?’ (Daily Mail, 30
th
January 2006: 17)
‘How did this idiot become Commissioner? (Sun, 30
th
January 2006: 19)
‘Plod off: Britain’s number one cop faces revolt by 140 of his senior officers’
(Daily Mirror, 31
st
January 2006: 1)
‘Officers call for Sir Ian to quit’ ( Times, 31
st
January 2006: 2).
‘Blundering, arrogant and out of touch.. he must go'; Exclusive met chief faces
coup by furious officers’ (Mirror, 31
st
January 2006: 5)
‘Plod off…again: Now MPs call for top cop’s head’ ( Mirror, 31
st
January 2006:
18)
‘MPs want PC Blair to be sacked’ (Daily Express, 1
st
February: 2)
‘MPs Want Sir Ian Out’ (Daily Mirror, 1
st
February: 13)
‘Met chief’s hardest task may be to justify actions to court of public opinion’
(Financial Times, 1
st
February 2006: 8)
‘Met chief must quit for Soham gaffe, Say Tories’ ( Independent, 1
st
February
2006: 6).
‘Policing London: Why Blair must not quit’ (Guardian, 1
st
Feb, 2006: 32).
‘Don't be paranoid, Sir Ian, but they are out to get you’ ( Guardian, 1
st
February
2006: 30).
23
Even the Guardian appeared to be giving mixed messages, insisting that Blair ‘must
not quit’ but cautioning that he must ‘raise his game’ to survive those forces that
would drive him from office (Guardian, 1
st
February 2006: 30). A senior MPS officer
was quoted: ‘We cannot have another fuck-up. We cannot have a Commissioner
who is viewed as a chump and a laughing stock’ (ibid.). Though Blair remained MPS
Commissioner for more than two more years, the ‘Soham gaffe’ and its immediate
aftermath resulted in an escalation of news media attacks. What followed was a
prolonged period of symbolic news media annihilation that relentlessly forecast and
demanded his departure. The dominant inferential structure established through
Blair’s ‘trial by media’ was gaining coherence and momentum as the ‘Gaffe-Prone’
Commissioner’s ultimate downfall became – in the eyes of the press at least – a
matter of time.
The Resignation of the ‘Gaffe-Prone’ Commissioner
The unexpected election of the Conservative Party’s Boris Johnson and the removal
of Ken Livingstone as Mayor of London in May 2008 compounded Blair’s political
problems, and probably sealed his fate, in three inter-related ways. First, Johnson
was a mediagenic character and was highly adept at news media politics. Second,
the new Mayor had publicly stated that Blair should be removed from office. Third,
he had been granted new legislative powers to assume the chairmanship of the
Metropolitan Police Authority. Johnson soon came under pressure from Blair’s critics
to exercise his Mayoral power. Stories began to circulate that London’s new
Conservative administration was exploring the constitutional possibility of removing
a discredited Commissioner. Blair continued to resist the increasingly vociferous calls
for his resignation, and at least publicly dismissed the continual speculation that his
political support was draining away. This generated further press attacks on Blair’s
refusal to step down, and on the government for refusing to remove him. A defiant
but politically isolated Blair remained in office, but not in power.
After two years of relentless news media attacks on a variety of public relations and
operational ‘gaffes’, the resignation finally came on 2
nd
October 2008. On the day
that the Daily Mail ran a front-page story detailing financial irregularity charges
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