3
(Greer and McLaughlin, 2010), we introduce a further key concept – ‘trial by media’
– as an exemplary manifestation of these intersecting transformations and a visible
index of the emerging news media ‘politics of outrage’. Third, we illustrate the
tangible impact of these transformations through an empirical examination of Sir Ian
Blair’s prime-time ‘trial by media’, which, we argue, resulted in reputational damage
and a process of de-legitimation that were critical in rendering his Commissionership
untenable. Finally, we return to our theoretical framework to develop a wider
sociological account of the overriding concern in this article: whereas past research
has repeatedly found the balance of definitional power in crime and justice news to
lie with the police, today we would argue that it has shifted to the 24/7 news media.
Theoretical Foundations: News Media-Police Chief Relations
There is surprisingly little research on the relations between the news-media and
police chiefs. It is possible, however, to extrapolate from more general studies of
news-media-police relationships, and to adapt and develop the theoretical
frameworks they employed. Two concepts have featured to varying degrees across
the existing research: ‘inferential structures’ (Lang and Lang, 1955) and ‘hierarchy of
credibility’ (Becker, 1967). Lang and Lang (1955) developed the concept of
‘inferential structures’ to explain how the same political news content could be
constructed into multiple configurations, establishing selectively representative
frameworks of understanding that shaped how both newsmakers and audience
interpreted the story. Ultimately, what they viewed as journalists’ ‘unwitting bias’
could ‘influence public definitions in a particular direction’ (Lang and Lang, 1955:
171). Whilst Lang and Lang (1955) did not consider the unequal influence of news
sources in establishing and maintaining ‘inferential structures’, Becker’s (1967)
‘hierarchy of credibility’ facilitated a more ideological reading of definitional power.
His model proposes that in any society it is taken for granted that governing elites
have the right ‘to define the way things really are’ (1967: 240). Since the attribution
of credibility and authority are intimately connected with the mores of a society, this
belief has a ‘moral quality’ (Becker, 1967: 240).
4
These concepts influenced a few key studies in the 1970s concerned with how the
unequal distribution of news media access and influence, the ideological orientation
of journalists and sources, and the politicisation of law and order contributed to the
reproduction of ‘dominant ideology’ (Chibnall, 1977; Hall et al, 1978; see also
Halloran et al., 1970). For Hall et al (1978), news reporting of crime and justice was
shaped by elite sources who collectively represent and command institutional power
– those at the top of Becker’s (1967) ‘hierarchy of credibility’. The police were
viewed as structurally and culturally advantaged in establishing the dominant
‘inferential structure’ – or ‘primary definition’ in Hall et al’s (1978) terms – that
subsequently set the agenda for future debate. Contemporaneous evidence
suggested that, whilst the police perspective might be contested, the asymmetry of
power in the communication process meant that it could rarely be meaningfully
challenged, still less altered fundamentally. Subsequent studies confirmed – albeit in
a less deterministic way – the police as the key definitional force in setting the crime
news agenda (Ericson et al, 1989, 1991; Schlesinger and Tumber, 1994). Chief police
officers, as ‘authorised knowers’, were found to have an especially privileged
position within the ‘hierarchy of credibility’.
We believe that for faddish reasons, ‘inferential structures’ and ‘hierarchy of
credibility’ have all but disappeared from more recent research, though they remain
entirely pertinent given the conceptual trajectory of much recent work. In the US
context, for example, Manning (2001) has noted the tendency for the news media to
allocate celebrity status to ‘big city’ police chiefs. He goes on to demonstrate how, in
a culture infatuated with scandal and ‘spectacle politics’, headline-grabbing
‘celebrity’ police chiefs can be built-up and knocked-down by the news media in
dramatic and newsworthy fashion. William Bratton is probably the paradigmatic
example, not just in the US but also globally, of the celebrity police chief (see
Bratton, 1998). In the UK context, Loader and Mulcahy (2001a: 42) have
conceptualised chief police officers as ‘cultural agents’ with the symbolic power to
‘own’, ‘frame’ or ‘control’ particular issues in the ‘public interest’ (see also Reiner,
2000). However, as Loader and Mulcahy (2001a, b) also recognise, contemporary UK
police chiefs face an altogether more complicated task when engaging with a multi-
5
mediated public realm. Two notable consequences have resulted. First, increased
awareness that negative media coverage can undermine public confidence in
policing has driven extensive investment in risk communication strategies designed
to advantage the police perspective in news coverage (Mawby, 2002; Chermak and
Weiss, 2005; McLaughlin, 2007). Second, a generation of British chief police officers
has traded public prominence for political power. The ‘elite police voice’ in the UK
has been corporatized (Loader and Mulcahy, 2001b: 259). As a result, the outspoken,
opinionated police chief has, in theory, been replaced by the politically cautious chief
executive.
We would suggest that these professional and political transformations have been
paralleled by equally significant shifts within the news media which are currently
both under-theorised and under-researched. The combined influence of these shifts
has been to increase the likelihood that the police institution and police chiefs, such
as Sir Ian Blair, will be subject to intense and critical journalistic scrutiny. In the
following sections, we map out some of these key transformations, and both revive
and resituate the classic concepts of ‘inferential structures’ and ‘hierarchy of
credibility’ within the context of an evolving 24-7 global news mediasphere. The aim
is to construct a theoretical framework within which contemporary news media-
police relations can be researched, and Sir Ian Blair’s ‘trial by media’ can be
understood.
New Contexts: Re-Theorising News Media-Police Chief Relations
Contemporary police chiefs must operate within an information-communications
environment that differs radically from the more stable and predictable conditions
conceptualised in previous research. For our research purposes, the most important
dimension of this multi-faceted environment is the emergence of the contemporary
24-7 news mediasphere. A proliferation of news platforms, sites and formats has
precipitated a digitised ‘convergence of moving images, text, sound and archive’
(Marr, 2010,
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-10634304
). This shift has been
paralleled by ‘an exploding array of news sources, or producers of content’ (Pavlik,
2008: 79, emphasis in original; Deuze, 2008; Fenton, 2009). Heightened competition
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