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sections, we shed further analytical light on the changing nature of news media-
police chief relations, and the rising news media ‘politics of outrage’, by analysing
the ‘trial by media’ that defined the ill-fated Commissionership of Sir Ian Blair. First,
though, a note on our sources.
Data Sources
The media analysis presented in this article was divided into two stages. Stage one
involved a comprehensive search of the LexisNexis database in order to locate
relevant press coverage and identify the key ‘newsworthy’ incidents of Blair’s
Commissionership for closer examination. Since databases like LexisNexis strip news
content of style, colour, images and surrounding context, providing researchers with
a useful but only partial representation or ‘news residue’ (Greer, 2010), stage two
involved in-depth examination of selected news items in original hard copy.
Supplementary material from broadcast and online news outlets was used, with
some key programmes being accessed via Internet ‘on demand’ services. In addition
to analysing news coverage, we examined the Metropolitan Police Authority reports
and official statements relating to Sir Ian Blair’s Commissionership. We were also
able to use the (auto)biographies of police officers who featured prominently during
Blair’s time in office, including, Sir John Stevens (2006), Ali Dizaei (2007), Brian
Paddick (2008), Andy Hayman (2009) and, of course, Sir Ian Blair (2009) himself.
These controversial texts provided an invaluable insight into the different versions of
reality that constituted Scotland Yard during Blair’s Commissionership.
The Initial Inferential Structure: Sir Ian Blair as the ‘Politicised Commissioner’
Sir Ian Blair was the first MPS Commissioner to contend with the political and news
media environment discussed above. Like his predecessors, Blair had to transact the
politics of policing with the Home Office, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary
(HMIC), national and force-specific police pressure groups, as well as Downing
Street, London’s political establishment and public pressure groups. However, the
constitutional landscape that Blair encountered was further complicated by the
creation of the Metropolitan Police Authority (MPA) – which in turn augmented the
role of the Mayor of London and the Greater London Authority – and the
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establishment of the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC). Blair thus
had to navigate a largely uncharted political network of complex, mediatised
interests.
By the time of his confirmation as MPS Commissioner in October 2004, Blair was
already on the news media radar. One of his most notable media interventions came
prior to the publication of the Macpherson report in February 1999, when Blair, then
Chief Constable of Surrey Police, generated sustained media interest by publicly
criticising a reactionary police culture. He insisted that fundamental reform was the
only solution, and expressed explicit support for New Labour’s policies. At this time
there was press speculation about Blair being a possible successor to the outgoing
Commissioner, Sir Paul Condon. Though it was Sir John Stevens who took on that
role in 2000, Blair became his Deputy. Through ongoing and occasionally
controversial media appearances, Blair established a media profile that was widely
reproduced in the run up to February 2005, when he would take control of Scotland
Yard. The headline was that Blair was ideologically and substantively different from
his predecessor. Sir John Stevens was a ‘coppers copper’ who had restored officer
morale post-Macpherson, and had left office without a post-9/11 terrorist attack in
London. Blair, by contrast, was an outsider – Oxford-educated and cosmopolitan in
outlook, with celebrity friends and political connections. He was a moderniser who
articulated a radical analysis of policing needs in contemporary Britain.
An early press consensus regarded Blair’s appointment as MPS Commissioner as
politically significant and, therefore, newsworthy. Every word and gesture would be
subject to media scrutiny. The liberal broadsheets had high expectations of the
progressive chief police officer who stood outside the traditional ‘canteen culture’.
The Guardian welcomed Blair as a transformational police leader: ‘the standard
bearer for a new kind of policing: reforming, inclusive and community-minded’ (see
Cowan, 2005: 6; see also Cowan, 2004; Rose, 2005; New Statesman). The
Independent (29
th
October: 8) buoyantly announced that ‘Reforming deputy is new
Met police chief’. In contrast, the tabloid and conservative press were instinctively
alarmed that the most powerful police officer in the UK was not only named Blair,
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but was a self-proclaimed liberal reformer who had publicly aligned himself with
New Labour’s political agenda. The Mirror, Sun, Daily Mail, Daily Star, and Times
(28
th
– 30
th
October) were consistent in their analysis: Blair was ‘Labour's favourite
policeman’, inextricably linked with ‘political correctness’. Thus, the ‘politics’ of
Blair’s appointment was a live news media issue from the outset. Our research
indicates that, as he took office, an initial ‘inferential structure’ was already in place.
Across the spectrum of newspapers, Blair was constructed as a ‘politicised
Commissioner’ – ‘politically correct’ in his approach, and ‘politically aligned’ with
New Labour’s policing and criminal justice agenda. Sections of the news media had
started gathering evidence for a ‘trial by media’ even before Sir Ian Blair had started
in post.
The new Commissioner used his ‘first week on the job’ interviews to discuss a range
of crime issues and to explain his ‘Together’ reform programme, which would make
the MPS more ethnically representative and prioritise neighbourhood policing.
Blair’s detractors saw early evidence of ‘political correctness’ when he spent
thousands of pounds amending the Scotland Yard strapline from ‘Working for a Safer
London’ to ‘Working together for a Safer London’, and changing the typeface so it
conformed with the Disability Discrimination Act 1995. Rank-and-file officers, it was
reported, were infuriated by the decision, and Dominic Grieve, the Conservative
Party's Shadow Attorney General, described it as ‘a load of nonsense’ (Daily
Telegraph, 6 February 2005, page 2). However, the clearest proof that the new
Commissioner was ‘the PC (politically correct) PC’ (Guardian, July 2
nd
, 2005: 9) came
in June 2005, when an Employment Tribunal decided that the MPS had racially
discriminated against three white officers who were disciplined after allegedly
making racist remarks to a colleague. Blair, who had personally intervened in the
case, was found responsible for seventeen acts of unfavourable treatment based on
race resulting in white officers being ‘hung out to dry’ (Express, June 28
th
: 6; Daily
Telegraph, June 28
th
: 2; Daily Mail, June 28
th
: 1; Sun, June 30
th
). In a follow-up
interview in the Guardian (2
nd
July 2005), Blair acknowledged that any perception he
had betrayed fellow officers would be damaging, and that the tribunal ruling would
generate further opposition to his reform agenda. But he refused to apologise.
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