Nobody knows that Zionism appeared as a Marxist movement, a socialist one Zionism is actually a revolution



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Lenin was not seen between the 2nd and 7th of November. He was not needed. It was Trotsky who organised everything. Lenin disappeared from Fofanova's flat in the late evenings. Only Stalin knew anything about Lenin's mysterious disappearances. Lenin was not at Fofanova's on the evening of the 24th of October (6th of November). Neither was he in the Soviet building in the Smolny palace. This was confirmed in the book "About Nadezhda Krupskaya", published in 1988 in Moscow. Nadezhda had come from Smolny to Fofanova's flat to look for Lenin. But he was not there. The historians Heller and Nekrich came to the same conclusion: Lenin was not even in Smolny in the late evening of the 6th of November. According to other sources, he turned up only on the 7th of November. He had taken a tram to Smolny. Lenin said to Trotsky in German: "Es schwin- delt!" (I'm dizzy!). He was in control!

Lenin immediately began threatening with executions if he was not completely obeyed. But it was still Trotsky who led the show.

The Soviet Congress, which had taken up residence in the Smolny Girls' School, was led by Fiodor Dan (actually Gurvich, 1871-1947), one of the Menshevik leaders. The conspirators announced already at 10:40 in the morning of the 7th of November that the Provisional Government had been overthrown and the power seized by the Soviets. The Soviet Congress accepted the motion to form a new government - the Council of People's Commissaries (Sovnarkom). The suggestion received 390 votes out of 650. The government was to be exclusively composed of Bolsheviks with

Lenin at the head. The leader of the Mensheviks, L. Martov, left the congress together with the other members of his party.

It was actually the military revolutionary committee who had seized the power. The Bolsheviks modelled it on the revolutionary committees the Jacobins created during the so-called French Revolution. The committee in Petrograd consisted of 18 Commissars. Most of them were either Jews or married to Jewesses. The chairman was Leon Trotsky (Jew). Other members were: Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin (half-Jew), Adolf Yoffe (Jew), Josef Unschlicht (Jew), Gleb Boky (Jew), Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko (Jew), Konstantin Mekhonoshin (Jew), Mikhail Lashevich (Jew), Felix Dzerzhinsky (Rufin, Jew), P. Lazimir (Jew), A. Sadovsky (Jew), Pavel Dybenko (married to the Jewess Alexandra Kollontay), Nikolai Pod- voisky, Vyacheslav Molotov (actually Skryabin), Vladimir Nevsky (Feodosi Krivobokov), Andrei Bubnov and Nikolai Skrypnik (Jew).

Lenin and his government gained power temporarily. That was why he also called his government provisional until the Constituent Assembly was elected on the 17th of November.

Something inexplicable happened at this point: in fact - nothing at all happened on the afternoon of the 7th of November. The historians cannot understand why the Winter Palace was not taken at once. The Soviet Congress also paused a while. Trotsky went into another room to rest. It was officially claimed that Lenin was in the building too, and went to sleep in another room in the afternoon.

At this time Lenin seemed to be but Trotsky's bloodhound. At the Soviet Congress, only Trotsky was seen as he now and then came out to speak with some members. Lenin was nowhere to be seen. He only sent a few notes to Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko, Nikolai Podvoisky and some of the others at the congress. (Sergei Melgunov, "How the Bolsheviks Seized Power", Paris, 1953.)

According to the myth, about 5000 sailors had already gathered around the Winter Palace to prepare the storming early in the morning of the 25th October (7th of November).

In actual fact, this building was taken over by a few hundred "revolutionaries", including 50 Red Guards, who calmly just marched straight into the palace.

What happened to all of those tens of thousands of "revolutionary soldiers" who are so warmly spoken of in the history books? This was just

another fabrication, for the Winter Palace was never stormed. It was not necessary. But to take over the seat of power at a carefully calculated point in time was a symbolic act with astrological connotations for Lenin and Trotsky.

That was why Trotsky still wanted to gather as many people as possible. 235 workers were brought from the Baltic Dockyard. Only 80 were fetched from the Putilov Factory, despite 1500 Red Guards having been officially registered there. A total of 26 000 worked there. All the impor- tant sites in the city were taken over by a few thousand "revo- lutionaries"...

The first Red Guards gathered by the Winter Palace only at around 4:30 in the afternoon, according to the exiled Russian historian Sergei Melgu- nov. The chief of the Red Guards, Vladimir Nevsky (who later became people's commissary for communications), received orders to wait. At around six o'clock, the principal of the Artillery Academy in Mikhailovsk ordered his cadets to leave the Winter Palace. The Cossacks also left. (Sergei Melgunov, "How the Bolsheviks Seized Power", Paris, 1953, p. 119.) Eventually only two companies of the women's battalion and 40 disabled soldiers remained. This cannot be explained in any other way than that the Provisional Government did everything in its power to hand the Winter Palace over to the Bolsheviks as peacefully as possible. The Provisional Government no longer held any power. It was all just a big show for the public.

The theatres held their performances, the restaurants stayed open. Nobody noticed that anything strange was going on. The bridge watchmen had no idea about the real situation, either. Lenin and Trotsky, wishing to be on the safe side by securing all the transport routes between the different areas of the city, had bribed all the bridge watchmen.

Time passed and still nothing happened. Everybody waited. According to the myth, the Bolsheviks had issued an ultimatum to the Provisional Government, which refused to answer. But how could they issue an ulti- matum to a government, which already on the 3rd of November had voluntarily handed over power to the military revolutionary committee? Besides, Trotsky had confirmed at 2:35 in the afternoon of the 7th of November that the Provisional Government no longer existed. At 10 o'clock the Soviet Congress had proclaimed: "Government power lies with the Military Revolutionary Committee!"

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Why it was necessary for Trotsky to put up a show will soon be evident to the observant reader. Trotsky wanted the whole spectacle to appear more dramatic than it actually was. For this reason, he had a number of shells fired from the Peter-Paul Fort while trams continued to roll over the Troitsky Bridge, according to the British ambassador Sir George Bucha- nan (who, by the way, was involved in the deposition of the Tsar). The remarkable thing was that those shells never hit the Winter Palace. The official explanation was that they were aimed too badly. But why could the Bolsheviks not find anyone among all those thousands of "revolutionary soldiers" who could aim properly?

It appears that those who fired the shells suddenly lost their ability to aim straight. All those explosions only managed to break one single window. Why were precisely 35 shells fired? Did that number have some Cabbalistic meaning?

The Red Guards waited for a while outside the Winter Palace despite the absence of guards at the side-door, according to Mikhail Heller and Alexander Nekrich ("Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 41). Neither did the Petrograd Garrison take any action against the Bolsheviks. They just watched the show.

The Red Guards walked around in the city and coerced a few sailors into following them to the Winter Palace, including Indrikis Ruckulis, who was a 27-year-old Latvian officer from Kronstadt and the commander of a group of sailors. He was threatened with death when he refused to accompany the Red Guards. He asserted that no single shell was fired from the armoured cruiser Aurora to give the signal for the storming, as was later claimed. (Expressen, the 17th of October 1984.) This was another myth.

There was no storming of the Winter Palace. Everything proceeded calmly. No blood was spilled. The Red Guards just waited until it was time to march in. They waited until 1:30 in the morning, according to Indrikis Ruckulis and several other sources. They opened fire for fifteen minutes for the sake of appearances. Nobody was hurt during this "battle", according to a young Marxist, Uralov, who was there. There was nobody to hurt. The Bolsheviks' fire was never answered.

The Red Guards and sailors then walked through side doors into the Winter Palace, according to the historians Mikhail Heller and Alexander Nekrich, who had found testimonies relating this. The remaining members

of the women's battalion made no resistance, but "capitulated im- mediately".

When the Bolsheviks had coolly walked in through the unguarded entrances, they strolled about in the halls and corridors and greeted the "defenders", who did not resist, in a friendly manner (E. M. Halliday, "Russia in Revolution", Malmo, 1968, p. 120). Even E. M. Halliday confirms that there was never a battle. Only in Moscow was any kind of resistance offered. The Kremlin was fired upon until three in the morning, despite the fact that the cadets had left the building by 7 o'clock on the previous evening.

Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko (1883-1937), who was a comrade of Trotsky, had been given the task of removing the Provisional Government. Here something extremely puzzling occurred. Radio Russia related this on the 12th of August 1991 at two in the afternoon.

Antonov-Ovseyenko and his Red Guards reached the Malachite Hall just before two o'clock and waited behind a door leading to the council chamber of the Provisional Government. The government (without Kerensky) had, against all reason, gathered there. Why?

Antonov-Ovseyenko just stood looking at the clock. Red Guards and sailors also stood waiting for Antonov-Ovseyenko's signal. They waited there for about ten minutes. He later sent a telegram to Lenin: "The Winter Palace was taken over at 2:04."

At 2:10 Antonov-Ovseyenko said: "It is time!" ("Para!") to the Red Guards. He opened the door and said something very cryptic: "Gentlemen! Your time is up!"

We may presume that the Bolsheviks officially took over on the 26th October (8th of November) 1917 at 2:04 in the morning. A closer astrological investigation reveals that the sun was just then in the precise centre of the sign of Scorpio (14°58').

In the horoscope of the Soviet regime, MC (Medium Coeli = the zenith) lay 4°28' in Gemini (which stands for power) - an aspect which was favourable to the seizure of power. This horoscope was the worst possible for the subjects of the Soviet Union. It shows that everything was based upon deceit. Only technical development was favoured, spiritual values were entirely rejected. Only the terrorist power-mongers were at an advantage. According to its horoscope, the Soviet regime brought nothing good at all into the world. People should have been wary of such a deadly

power. It brought only enormous problems and catastrophes. The Swedish astrologer Anders Ekstrom in Skyttorp confirms this interpretation.

The Horoscope of the Soviet Regime

The 8th of November 1917, 2:04 A.M., Petrograd.

All this goes to show that the Bolshevik freemasons were well-versed in the secrets of astrology. Their most important astrologer was the Jewish Bolshevik Lev Karakhan (Karakhanyan), later vice people's commissary for foreign affairs. To later exclude others from similar research, the Bolsheviks immediately declared that astrology was mere bourgeois nonsense and superstition. A very clever move. Russian and Polish Jews also founded the state of Israel. If we investigate Israel's horoscope, we see that the most suitable time had also been calculated there. The result was the best possible. In this way, they favoured their own at 4:37 in the afternoon of the 14th of May 1948...

The fact that Antonov-Ovseyenko waited until 2:10 favoured only the new regime. 2:10, when the members of the Provisional Government were taken away, was presumably a key time. (Nicholas Campion, "The Book of World Horoscopes", Wellingborough, 1988, p. 280.)

Lenin also claimed this. Trotsky had his 38th birthday on the 26th October (8th of November) 1917, and the whole spectacle became his birthday party as well as the beginning of a new epoch. (The phases of the moon are repeated every 19th year.) Scorpio is the eighth sign of the zodiac - the sign of crime and death.

Certain days had a special significance for the Bolshevik leadership. Why else conceal Lenin's true date of birth? I should like to point out here that the Soviet army did everything in its power to take Berlin on May 1st, 1945 so that the red flag of the Illuminati could be hoisted over the city on that very day.

It is obvious that the official time (8th of November) was extremely important to the conspirators. Had not Kerensky already relinquished power to the Bolshevik elite, without the public at large hearing anything about it, on the 3rd of November (21st of October)? To mislead their subjects, the Bolsheviks began officially celebrating the revolution on November 7th.

That elite who actually became a secret red transitional government were responsible for the show. Those ten men, of whom at least half were secret freemasons, made up the Politburo and the Military Revolutionary Committee, which had been founded on the 16th (29th) of October - Yahweh's doomsday.

They were: Vladimir Lenin (half-Jew), Leon Trotsky (Jew), Grigori Zinoviev (Jew), Leon Kamenev (Jew), Grigori Sokolnikov (Jew), Yakov

Sverdlov (Jew), Joseph Stalin (half-Jew), Felix Dzerzhinsky (Jew), Moisei Uritsky (Jew) and Andrei Bubnov (Russian). Was this spectacle then a Russian revolution?

Not one single historian has been able to explain logically why the Bolsheviks waited on the evening of the 7th of November and did not take the Winter Palace at once. The only reason that any historian has come up with is that the Bolshevik leadership lacked resolution on that evening. The reader may decide whether to accept this explanation or not.

The next question is: why did the Provisional Government give up voluntarily and so easily? Trotsky tried to explain this by saying that the Provisional Government wanted to avoid bloodshed. Trotsky was hardly a reliable man. He simply wanted to conceal that the Masonic brothers had made up certain deals among themselves.

I must mention here that there was a mysterious figure who represented the Bolshevik freemasons but took part in the meeting of the Provisional Government. His name was Yuri Steklov (actually Nakhamkis) and was the agent of the Bolshevik Central Committee. His behaviour made it seem as if it was he who decided how long the Provisional Government was allowed to act and remain in power. It was as if he alone acknowledged and allowed the very existence of the Provisional Government. He acted as if he were in charge of seeing that the government did not overstep its authority and mandate. (Vladimir Nabokov, "The Provisional Government and the Bolshevik Coup", London, 1988, p. 116.) Yuri Steklov was a freemason of the 32nd degree and Kerensky's son-in-law.

The ungrateful Lenin showed appreciation only to his Masonic masters in Paris, who had helped him into power. In 1919, he sent enormous amounts of money to the Masonic order Grand Orient de France, to be used for the renovation of their palatial headquarters in Paris, propaganda and other purposes. Meanwhile, millions of Russians were starving to death. (Oleg Platonov, "Russia's Crown of Thorns: The History of the Russian People in the Twentieth Century", Moscow, 1997, p. 557.)

It became Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko's task to tell the Provisional Government that their time was up. The mob who, somewhat later than the Red Guards, entered the Winter Palace, began plundering and destroying the furniture. The eyes of the portraits were cut out, valuable books and icons were thrown on the floor and trampled on. They also began to rape women.

According to yet another myth in the huge Bolshevik repertoire, all the ministers (except Kerensky) were arrested and sentenced to imprisonment, but there are names among them who later turned up in the Bolshevik administration. For instance, the freemason and former minister of communications, Nikolai Nekrasov, became a bureaucrat in the Co- operative Central Union in 1920. (Professor N. Pervushin's article "The Russian Freemasons and the Revolution" in the newspaper Novoye Russkoye Slovo, New York, August 1, 1986, p. 6.)

Even the Greater Soviet Encyclopaedia (Vol. 56, Moscow, 1936, p. 301) confirmed that Kerensky's minister of the interior, Sergei Urusov, later worked in the Soviet National Bank. He was still the emissary of the French freemasons.

The world is truly puzzling and the official history contains so many incredible fairy tales for adults that "A Thousand and One Nights" pales in comparison.

According to the official Bolshevik version, Kerensky managed to escape to Gachino near Petrograd wearing a woman's clothing, whereupon he went on to Pskov. Nothing more. Kerensky claimed in his memoirs that he put on a sailor's uniform and escaped to Gachino where he wanted to organise a resistance but failed, since the troops went away (!?).

The historians Nesta Webster and Kurt Kerlen, however, have found some revealing information, which they published in their book "Boche and Bolshevik" (New York, 1923, p. 19). According to this version, Lenin and Trotsky let Kerensky "disappear" in recognition of his contributions when he protected them from the public in July 1917.

It was also Kerensky who saw that the railway tickets for Lenin's and his group's journey from Stockholm to Petrograd was paid for. And finally, he left the power in their hands. According to the myth, Kerensky was opposed to the Communists. He was actually the Grand Secretary of the Grand Orient in Russia. Lenin and Trotsky supplied him with false documents and a large amount of money and had him escorted to Murmansk, which had been occupied by the British.

Kerensky was received as a "White" refugee in Murmansk. He boarded an Italian steamboat and sailed to England, according to documents, which have been preserved in London. Kerensky later lived in Berlin, Paris and California as a wealthy man. He died in New York on the 12th of June 1970.

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Even the great falsifier of history E. M. Halliday admitted in his book "Russia in Revolution" (Malmo, 1968, p. 117) that Kerensky left the Winter Palace and Petrograd on the morning of November 7th in an automobile, which was placed at his disposal by the American Embassy. The car carried an American flag.



So now we know how he got to Murmansk and from there to England. This must have been planned well before the Bolshevik take-over. He had time enough for this but not enough to call on special troops to defend Petrograd. Was this not most peculiar?

All this forces an independently thinking person to wonder whether the Provisional Government did not actually prepare for the coming terror of the Bolsheviks. Why else did the United States of America and Great Britain order their people to leave Russia in good time before the transfer of power? The Bolsheviks were then officially just as democratic as Kerensky and his lackeys.

What happened in February (March) 1917 was not a revolution, but a coup d'etat organised from without. The Bolsheviks themselves, however, did not carry out a coup d'etat in October (November) 1917, as we have learned in the West, but simply took over power. It was an internationally controlled conspiracy. If this was not the case, then a great number of important facts cannot be explained; instead, everything becomes dim and incomprehensible. If we assume that it really was a planned conspiracy, then all those strange events, which I described earlier, immediately have a clear explanation.

The Soviet-Estonian Encyclopaedia maintained that the very fact that Marxism was introduced in Russia proves that it is a true ideology. No other evidence was necessary. Lenin said after the take-over: "We shall now build the socialist order." Trotsky corrected him: "We must establish a socialist dictatorship."

The Jewish author Alexander Zinoviev said in an interview in the spring of 1984 that "the Soviet regime is eternal, the Soviet society cannot be destroyed even in a thousand years". He stressed to the interviewer, George Urban: "The Soviet system will remain until the end of human history." Not even Trotsky and Lenin could believe that.

The astrologer E. H. Troinsky calculated in 1956 that the Soviet state would begin falling apart after 72 years and 7 months, i.e., after July 1990. As we all know, the Soviet regime was seriously weakened precisely after

June 1990 and finally fell in August 1991. The Soviet Union was officially dissolved four months later.

The German Aid

The Masonic Bolsheviks wanted to be certain that they could stay in power. That was why they asked the Germans for help. German troops were sent to throw an iron ring around Petrograd so that no oppositional forces, including General Piotr Krasnov's Cossacks, could threaten the Bolshevik government (Igor Bunich, "The Party's Gold", St. Petersburg, 1992, p. 24). It was also the Germans who put down a revolt among the cadets at an army training school in Petrograd, captured the Kremlin for the Bolsheviks in Moscow, fought back Krasnov's Cossacks and per- formed other similar actions vital to the survival of the Reds. General Kir- bach promised that Moscow and Petrograd would be occupied by German troops if the Bolshevik government was threatened. The weak Soviet regime was protected by up to 280 000 disciplined German soldiers.

Part of those German troops was called the international battalions in the beginning, but in the Soviet history books they were known as "Latvian riflemen". There were just 20 Latvians among these "Inter- nationalists", according to the historian Igor Bunich ("The Party's Gold", p. 79). In the autumn of 1918 there were 50 000 men in this international army. That number had increased to 250 000 in the summer of 1920 (M. Heller and A. Nekrich, "Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 95). There were also a considerable number of Chinese soldiers and Polish Jews in those troops. The latter usually played a leading role.

Colonel Heinrich von Ruppert had travelled with a Swedish passport to Petrograd as early as April 1917 to give secret instructions to the German prisoners of war, who later helped the Bolsheviks in every way imaginable, according to Igor Bunich.

A highly interesting American report, which reached Washington on the 9th of December 1917, stated, among other things, that General William V. Judson saw many Germans when he visited Trotsky in Smolny. (Antony C. Sutton, "Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution", Morley, 1981, p. 45.) The Germans also supplied the "revolutionaries" with weapons. The ship Yastreb brought weapons and ammunition from

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Friedrichshafen and reached Russia in time for the Bolshevik take-over. The Germans got their longed-for separate peace with Russia on the 3rd of March 1918, though Lenin had proclaimed his decree of peace immediately on the 7th of November 1917.

A parade of the "internationalists", that is, the Germans, for Lenin and his Bolshevik government was organised for the 29th of October (11th of November) 1917. The Germans had received instructions to shout: "We greet you, World Revolution!" But instead they shouted: "We greet you, Kaiser Wilhelm!" Lenin took this as an insult. (Igor Bunich, "The Party's Gold", St. Petersburg, 1992, p. 24.)

The American president Thomas Woodrow Wilson also gave orders not to intervene against the Bolshevik revolution, according to Antony Sutton. But just in case things still went wrong, the leading Bolsheviks had been given foreign passports so that they could flee abroad just as unexpectedly as they had turned up. (Igor Bunich, "The Party's Gold", St. Petersburg, 1992, p. 8.) Nikolai Bukharin (actually Dolgolevsky) had made plans to escape to Argentina. Lenin calmed his fellow criminals: "We have always been lucky and so it shall remain!"


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