Nobody knows that Zionism appeared as a Marxist movement, a socialist one Zionism is actually a revolution

Chkheidze became the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet. Alexander Kerensky was a member of the Petrograd "Workers' Council", which was a faithful replica of the kahal organisation in New York. He was also a member of the committee of the National Duma.

Similarities to the Deposition of the Shah

A similar Masonic plot with the aid of the Western financial elite led to the deposition of the Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, as he himself revealed on Contadora Island, Panama, in the first television interview with him after his fall. The Shah said to the reporter David Frost (of the BBC): "Do you think that Khomeini, an uneducated person... could have planned all of this, organised everything? I also know that fantastic sums were staked. I know that top experts on propaganda were used to depict us as tyrants and beasts and the others as democratic, liberal revolutionaries who wanted to save the country. I know that the BBC was also against us. We have all the information... It occurred like a very well-planned conspiracy... they staked about 250 million dollars...

Wherever he (Khomeini) had been in Europe, he would probably have had the same possibilities and the same accomplices. I do not believe that he himself was in charge of the planning... Yazdi was an American citizen, Ghotbzadeh was expelled from Georgetown University because he couldn't keep up with his studies..."

David Frost: "So Khomeini might have received some kind of support from the West?"

The Shah: "How else could all these factors have been combined at the same time?"

(Translator's note: The above interview is a paraphrase of the original since it has been re-translated from Swedish.)

When I wrote to Sveriges Television (Sweden's national television) and asked for a copy of the text of the translation, I was officially told that the text no longer existed. But I came into personal contact with a member of the editorial staff. Through this contact I obtained the complete text. An evident example of how facts are concealed!

I must remark here that the Russian Tsar was deposed after the same pattern - everything pointed to an international conspiracy.

The American press painted a monstrous picture of the Tsar Nicholas II. That was why the American public was so happy with his deposition. The unfair propaganda continues to this day.

The most audacious lies came from the historian Hans Villius on the 1st of September 1991 in a Swedish television program about the "history" of the Soviet Union. He claimed that the revolution began as a result of the tsarist regime's bloody terror against the population. He never mentioned any numbers.

Every true historian knows that a total of 467 people (i.e. murderers) were executed in Russia between 1826 and 1904. (Professor Vittorio Strada's article "Death Penalties and the Russian Revolutions", Oboz- reniye, No. 14, p. 25, Paris, 1984.) This comes to 6 death sentences per year. Was this really terror?

How many were killed during the same period in the United States of America? How many Indians were eliminated during the same period? Here I shall just mention the massacre at Wounded Knee where govern- ment soldiers murdered three hundred unarmed Indians, including women and children, on the 29th of December 1890.

Hans Villius never mentioned the Bolsheviks' cold-blooded mass- murders, which amounted to 66 million in the beginning and later reached a total of 143 million, according to the English researcher Philipp van der Est. That, it seems, was not terror according to Villius. Even the Bolshe- viks called their own purge "the Red Terror". Hans Villius did everything in his power to twist the truth and thereby uphold the myths.

The Return of Lenin and Trotsky

The conspiracy continued. Trotsky was sent from New York with an American passport on March 26, 1917. Jacob Schiff began financing him in the spring of 1917. In this way the Bolsheviks received via Trotsky a total of 20 million dollars, according to Hillaire Belloc, Gary Allen and other historians. John Schiff also admitted in the New York Journal American on February 3, 1949 that his grandfather "sank about 20 million dollars for the final triumph of Bolshevism". Thus he spent millions of dollars to depose the Tsar and then laid out even more money to help the Bolsheviks to power...

Now it was time for Lenin to return as well. When he first read in the Neue Zurcher Zeitung that the Tsar had been deposed, he thought it was German propaganda.

On the 31st of March the German vice-state secretary informed Ambassador Gisbert von Romberg in Bern with a cipher-telegram: "The Russian revolutionaries' journey through Germany should take place as soon as possible, since the Allies have already begun counter-actions in Switzerland. If possible, the negotiations should be speeded up!"

Count Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau (1869-1928) sent a strictly secret telegram from Copenhagen to the Ministry of the Interior in Berlin on April 2, 1917: "We must immediately try to bring about as wide-spread chaos as possible in Russia. At the same time, we must avoid visibly involving ourselves in the course of the Russian revolution. But in secret we should do everything to increase the antagonism between the moderate and extreme parties, since we are quite interested in the victory of the latter because the coup d'etat would then be unavoidable."

Brockdorff-Rantzau was foreign minister during the Weimar Republic and ambassador in Moscow from 1922.

Lenin signalled to the German government on the 4th of April that he was ready to return to Russia. His journey was approved by Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg, who belonged to the Bethmann banking family in Frankfurt am Main, and by State Secretary Arthur Zimmermann. Then these men proceeded to organise the journey together with Count Brockdorff-Rantzau and Alexander Parvus.

They thought it best if Lenin travelled through Sweden, where he would be joined by their contact man, Jakub Furstenberg-Hanecki (Ganetsky). (Antony Sutton, "Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution" (Morley, 1981, p. 40). Ganetsky was called "the hands and feet of the party".

On the 9th of April, Lenin and his group began their journey from Bern to Russia. Before they had left Zurich, they heard cries of: "German spies! Traitors!" from the platform.

The German General Staff could not imagine that the Bolsheviks would ever turn against Germany and Europe. The German Major General Max Hoffman later wrote: "We neither knew nor foresaw the danger to humanity from the consequences of this journey of the Bolsheviks to Russia." (Antony Sutton, "Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution", Morley, 1981, p. 40.)

According to the author Hans Bjorkegren, the carriage in which Lenin and his 32 companions travelled was not sealed, as another myth has it. The German authorities had asked the "revolutionaries" not to leave the carriage, where two German officers, who went under the Russian names Rybakov and Yegorov, accompanied them. (Akim Arutiunov, "The Pheno- menon Vladimir Ulyanov/Lenin", Moscow, 1992, p. 61.)

Lenin's company was to join together with Trotsky's in Petrograd and eventually begin a take-over of power from the Provisional Government together with other leading forces to introduce the Communist (i.e. Judaist) dictatorship.

The German Kaiser Wilhelm II learned about the operation when Lenin had already reached Russia. The Germans' motive was to obtain a separate peace treaty and later advantages in trade with Russia. Lenin only wanted a Communist dictatorship and the Russians' wealth. German patriots did not suspect that dark Illuminist forces were only using official Germany to camouflage their own activities...

Lenin's travelling companions were mostly Jewish extremists. 19 of them were Bolsheviks. Here I shall name only the most important among these: Nadezhda Krupskaya, Olga (Sarra) Ravich, Grigori Zinoviev (actually Ovsei Gershen Radomyslsky), his wife Slata Radomyslskaya, their eight-year-old son Stefan Radomyslsky, Moisei Kharitonov (Marko- vich, who became Petrograd's chief of militia), Grigori Sokolnikov (actually Brilliant, editor of Pravda and later People's Commissary for Banking Affairs), David Rosenblum (whom Stalin jailed in 1937, in Leningrad), Alexander Abramovich (who became an important functio- nary within Comintern), Grigori Usiyevich (actually Tinsky), Yelena Usiyevich-Kon (daughter of a well-known Jewish Bolshevik, Felix Kon, from Poland), Abram Skovno, Simon Scheineson, Georgi Safarov, Zalman Ryvkin, Dunya Pogovskaya (an activist within the Jewish Workers' Union Bund), her four-year-old son Ruvin, Ilya Miringov (Mariengof), Maria Miringova, Mikhail Goberman (who became a powerful functionary within Comintern), Meier Kivev Aizenud (Aizentuch), Shaya Abra- movich, Fanya Grebelskaya (Bun), Lenin's lover Inessa Armand (who was born on the 16th of June, 1875, in Paris).

Lenin's journey was regarded as so important that the Crown Prince's train had to stop for two hours in Halle until Lenin's train had passed. A stop was made in Berlin where Lenin received new instructions from the

German Foreign Ministry. The company met Ganetsky in Trelleborg (Sweden). When the group arrived in Malmo, Brockdorff-Rantzau im- mediately reported to Berlin.

Lenin arrived at Stockholm's Central Station just before ten o'clock in the morning on Friday the 13th of April 1917. Karl Radek (Tobiach Sobel- sohn), another important freemason and "revolutionary", arrived together with him but remained in the Swedish capital to help Jakub Hanecki (Ftirstenberg). It was this same Hanecki (known as Ganetsky) who channelled the German money to the Bolsheviks in Petrograd via Nya Banken (the New Bank) in Stockholm and the freemason Olof Aschberg (Obadiah Asch).

Karl Radek, an Austrian citizen, showed his "gratitude" to the Germans by later taking part in terrorist activities against the German Kaiser and preparing a plot to depose him. MOPR or the Red Aid later gave Karl Radek the task of provoking the German workers to a "proletarian revolution". He was a member of the Central Committee. Stalin had him arrested in 1937. Radek readily gave evidence against other Bolsheviks but this did not save him.

Three new conspirators joined Lenin's group in Stockholm: Rakhil Skovno, Yuri Kos and Alexander Grakas.

The aim of the conspirators was to enforce Illuminist rule in Russia after the model of Weishaupt-Hess-Marx. There was a reserve plan for a Communist base in case the take-over failed. The Communists had chosen Sweden for this purpose, according to Solzhenitsyn's book "Lenin in Zurich" (Paris, 1975, p. 168).

The Swedish Social Democrats helped those Bolshevik criminals by all means possible. Lenin and his fellow criminals were allowed to use Sweden as their most important base for the planned state terrorism in Russia, thanks to the freemason and socialist leader Hjalmar Branting and the helpful attitude of the Swedish Social Democrats. (Dagens Nyheter, 5th of November 1985, p. 4.)

They also helped to organise the Bolsheviks' Fourth Party Congress in Folkets Hus (the Social Democrat centre) in Stockholm in April-May 1906. Branting gave the speech of welcome at the congress. Branting also knew about the financing of the Bolsheviks' activities ("Vem betalade ryska revolutionen?" / "Who Paid for the Russian Revolution?", Svenska Dagbladet, 31st October 1985).

Stockholm's socialist mayor Carl Lindhagen met Lenin and his companions on the platform at Stockholm's Central Station. Parvus had also travelled to Stockholm to meet Lenin, according to one source.

There was one socialist politician, Erik Palmstierna, who guessed how dangerous Lenin could become and therefore suggested organising a police provocation at the station and have Lenin shot in the resulting tumult. The others just laughed at him (Svenska Dagbladet, 21st October 1990). Palmstierna became minister for naval defence on the 19th of October 1917.

Lenin stayed just over eight hours in Stockholm. He spent most of that time at the Hotel Regina on Drottninggatan. He continued to Haparanda at 6:37 on the same evening. Before his departure, the Swedish socialists had time to buy a suit and the world-famous cap for him at PUB (a department store in Stockholm). (Aftonbladet, 28th August 1989.) At the same time Lenin met Hans Steinwachs, a representative of the German Foreign Ministry. Steinwachs was the chief of German espionage in Scandinavia, according to Hans Bjorkegren's book "Ryska posten" / "The Russian Post" (Stockholm, 1985, p. 264).

The Polish Jew Moisei (Mieczyslaw) Bronski-Warszawski, who travel- led under a false name, was also among Lenin's companions. He was still in Bern on the 7th of April, but joined Lenin in Stockholm on the 13th April. The Swedish socialist Fredrik Strim, who was responsible for the reception of the conspirators, confirmed this.

Steinwachs sent the following telegram to Berlin on the 17th of April: "Lenin's journey to Russia went well. He will do precisely what we wish from him." (Zeman, "Germany and the Revolution in Russia 1915-18: Documents from the Archives of the German Foreign Ministry", London, 1958, p. 51.)

It was the minister of justice in the Provisional Government, Alexander Kerensky, who directly invited Lenin and Trotsky to Russia. He made Prime Minister Georgi Lvov and the Minister of Foreign affairs Pavel Milyukov send instructions to that effect, which were revealed in Nesta Webster's book "Boche and Bolshevik" (New York, 1923, p. 19). To- wards the end of April, Milyukov no longer wanted to be a member of this government and so he resigned.

The German government paid for the tickets for Lenin's group's journey from Bern to Stockholm. The German government, and not the

General Staff, was behind Lenin's journey, as revealed by Nesta Webster and Kurt Kerlen in "Boche and Bolshevik" (p. 25). The government had been strongly influenced by the socialists.

The Russian Provisional Government paid for the tickets for the journey from Stockholm to Haparanda and from there to Petrograd. Lenin later claimed that he was not welcome in Russia and that he lacked a visa. He even asserted that the Provisional Government would have imprisoned him, since he travelled without permission. This is all just Soviet propaganda. The whole company was given a group visa by the Russian Consulate General in Stockholm (except for Fritz Platten, since he was not a Russian citizen). This visa is still preserved in the Helsinki City Archives, where it can be seen that it was first issued on the 13th of April 1917. Lenin and his 29 travelling companions are all on the list. Some (Karl Radek for instance) remained behind. Three new conspirators joined instead. This was revealed by Hans Bjorkegren in his book "The Russian Post" (Stockholm, 1985).

Lenin wanted to appear as an exceedingly poor revolutionary. That was why he began with his beggar antics in Switzerland, which he later conti- nued in Sweden. Of course, he did not say a word about the fact that he had also begged for money from the Bolsheviks' secret fund in Stockholm. He received up to 3000 crowns from this source, according to Hans Bjorkegren. Alexander Parvus had founded this fund by the aid of the banker Max Warburg.

I telephoned the headquarters of Svenska Handelsbanken (Swedish Bank of Commerce) on January 24, 1991 and asked how much 3000 crowns were worth in 1917. This money was equivalent to 56 250 crowns (approximately £5000) in 1991. 3000 crowns were nearly equivalent to two years of a worker's wages (3256 crowns). I must point out here that a worker with an annual income of 1628 crowns in 1917 could support his wife and children. In 1991, the workers received an average of 120 000 crowns per year. It is impossible to support a wife and children with this wage without also relying on the wife's salary and various benefits (child benefit, housing benefit, etc). That is to say: 3000 crowns then might actually have been closer in value to 350 000 crowns in 2002.

Lenin was not content with this. In Haparanda he received a further 300 crowns (more than two months' wages for a worker) as a contribution from the Russian consul. Lenin confirmed this himself in a letter to a

known Zionist conspirator, Alexander Shlyapnikov. (Hans Bjorkegren, "Ryska posten" / "The Russian Post", Stockholm, 1985, pp. 264-265.)

In 1913 the Swedish worker earned an average of 135 crowns per month (135 x 100 = 13 500 today, 1350 US dollars). Mikhail Goberman had scrounged together another 1000 Swiss francs. The Swiss socialists had, through Fritz Platten, donated a further 3000 Swiss francs to Lenin. Platten, by the way, was in charge of solving all practical problems during the journey. The Bolsheviks of Petrograd sent another 500 roubles. Lenin sent begging-letters to Swedish socialists too, who managed to scrape together several hundred crowns. Those socialists had no idea that Lenin actually had plenty of money. At the end of March he had written to Inessa Armand: "There is even more money than I expected for the journey." Lenin could never get enough.

The trade unionist Fabian Mansson organised a collection among the members of parliament. Even right-wing politicians gave money to Lenin, since comrade Mansson had pointed out that the Bolsheviks would be in power in Russia as early as the next day. The Swedish Foreign Minister Arvid Lindman gave Lenin 100 crowns (a lot of money then). The Swedish refugee committee gave Lenin 3000 crowns as well.

A second class ticket from Stockholm to Haparanda only cost 30 crowns in 1917. Besides, the Russian government paid for all the tickets! In Finland, Lenin continued his journey to Petrograd, but now travelling third class so that the Russians receiving him would see how poor he was...

That was the way Lenin's journey to Russia was organised. He arrived at Petrograd's Finland station at 11:10 in the evening of the 16th of April. The freemason Nikolai Chkheidze, who was the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, came with flowers to meet him. Chkeidze even gave a speech of welcome. Stalin was not among those at the reception. Not one photograph confirms Stalin's presence, despite the fact that he later claimed to have been there. There was even an armoured car waiting there. Lenin jumped up onto the car and held an agitatory speech at once. Lenin was much worse at public speaking than Trotsky, according to the Swedish Communist Anton Nilson.

Lenin was later welcomed at the Winter Palace by a representative of the Provisional Government, the Minister for Employment Mikhail Skobelev, who was a Menshevik and a freemason.

In April 1917, there were still many British agents in Petrograd who provoked the soldiers to mutiny and gave them money. On the 7th of April, General Yanin received a complete report about the actions and hiding places of these British agents. This report is still extant.

In May, another still larger group of 200 "revolutionaries", led by the Menshevik L. Martov and Pavel Axelrod, arrived from Switzerland. Many others followed after. Some of those conspirators travelled on credit. The Board of Swedish National Railways desperately tried to collect the 30 000 crowns owed to them, but were just laughed at by the "revo- lutionaries", according to Hans Bjorkegren. They believed they were exercising their "revolutionary" right not to pay.

Thousands of Jewish conspirators came also from the United States. A total of 25 000 international "revolutionaries" arrived in Russia. Dr George A. Simons, the priest at the American Embassy, related the following about these events: "There were hundreds of agitators who had followed Trotsky from New York. We were surprised at the fact that the Jewish element dominated from the very beginning."

Lenin began publishing a large number of newspapers and periodicals, a total of 41, including 17 daily newspapers. The circulation of Pravda in- creased from 3000 copies to 300 000 in May 1917. It was given out free, also among the soldiers at the German front. The newspaper, which was financed by the Germans, propagated a separate peace with Germany.

The German Minister of Foreign Affairs, Richard von Kiihlmann, wrote to the Kaiser Wilhelm II on December 3, 1917: "It was not until the Bolsheviks had received from us a steady flow of funds through the various channels and under varying labels that they were in a position to be able to build up their organ Pravda, to conduct energetic propaganda and appreciably to extend the originally narrow base of their party." (Anthony Sutton, "Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution," p. 39.)

The Bolsheviks even bought a printing office for 260 000 roubles, according to the findings of the historian Dmitri Volkogonov. But the Bolsheviks remained unpopular despite their vast propaganda machine.

The United States Congress had declared war on Germany on April 6, 1917. Among the people who had worked hardest to draw America into the world war were the bankers George Blumenthal and Isaac Seligman, the industrialists Daniel Guggenheim and Adolf Lewisohn, as well as the rabbis David Philipson (1862-1949) and Stephen Samuel Wise.

The rabbi Isaac Wise (1819-1900), chairman of the B'nai B'rith lodge in Cincinnati, has explained: "Freemasonry is a Jewish institution whose history, degrees, charges, passwords and explanations are Jewish from beginning to end." (The Israelite of America, 3rd of August 1866.)

Of course, billions were made on the First World War. President Wilson "promised" that this would be the last war in the history of man. The freemason Winston Churchill emphasised that if the Americans had not entered the First World War, peace would have been made with Germany and the Russian Tsar would not have been deposed. Then the Bolsheviks would not have been able to reach power either. {Social Justice Magazine, No 3, 1st of July 1939, p. 4.)

B'nai B'rith and the Illuminati wanted to create even greater chaos in Europe, which they succeeded in doing. At the international conference of Masonic Grand Masters in Interlaken, Switzerland, on the 25th of June 1916, Dr David promised that the Jews, after causing great bloodbaths of Aryans, will take control over the whole world. (Oleg Platonov, "The Secret History of Freemasonry", Moscow, 1996, p. 589.)

The Bolshevik slogans were: "Peace! Bread! Land!" and "All power to the Soviets!" The same slogans were used at the Jacobin coup in France in 1789, since the Jacobin slogan was: "All power to the bourgeoisie!"

The Bolsheviks could act freely. Lenin himself admitted after his arrival in Petrograd that Russia was the freest nation in the world. The Bolsheviks were unsuccessful at the beginning. The Mensheviks and Social Revolu- tionaries, who supported the Provisional Government, dominated the Soviets.

Despite this, the German Minister of Foreign Affairs, Richard von Kiihlmann, reported to his ambassador in Bern: "Those who support Lenin's peace policy are growing in number. Pravda's circulation has in- creased to 300 000."

The Bolsheviks organised several large demonstrations in May and June. Comrade Alexander Kerensky, meanwhile, wanted to set up a Russian revolutionary army. Freemasonry was legalised in Russia on the 24th of June 1917. In the beginning of July, Trotsky officially went over to the Bolshevik Party, where he was immediately made one of the most important leaders.
Revelations in the Press

The Bolsheviks of the lower ranks were very eager to seize power as soon as possible. Trotsky and Lenin believed that the astrological time was not right yet! Some Bolshevik leaders, however, began acting on the 3rd (16th) of July. Trotsky agitated to restrain the Red Guards. He gave a speech before the Tauridian Palace where he said outright: "Go home! Calm down!"

The situation exploded anyway on the 4th (17th) of July. Attempts at a coup d'etat were underway. At the same time, the Germans launched a new offensive at the front. Prince Lvov and his government were nearly ready to leave their posts. It was really too early. The freemasons made a desperate attempt to halt this development. They had sensitive material delivered to the Russian authorities. On the 4th (17th) of July, the French attache Pierre Laurent had visited Colonel Boris Nikitin, then chief of the Russian Secret Service. (H. Bjorkegren, "Ryska posten", Stockholm, 1985, p. 262.) He gave Nikitin copies of 29 telegrams from Lenin, Ganetsky, Kollontay, Sumenson, Kozlovsky and Zinoviev and three letters to Lenin. All that material was very revealing.