Nobody knows that Zionism appeared as a Marxist movement, a socialist one Zionism is actually a revolution

The information was immediately leaked to the newspapers by patriotic forces. Rumours that the press in Petrograd was going to publish revelatory articles on Lenin, Zinoviev and Trotsky began circulating on the same afternoon.

Zinoviev later claimed that Lenin had discussed the question of the take-over in the Tauridian Palace on the 3rd (16th) of July. This was incorrect, since Lenin was in Bonch-Bruyevich's villa in Finland then, and returned only on the 4th (17th) of July. (Mikhail Heller and Alexander Nekrich, "Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 30.)

The Bolshevik leaders were worried and began working more actively. No one had time for coup plans any longer. Stalin persuaded Nikolai Chekheidze to telephone the editorial staffs of the newspapers and prohibit the publication of those sensitive documents. Stalin understood as well as the other Bolshevik leaders that the disclosure of that information would damage the Bolsheviks also in the long term.

Even the Provisional Government wanted to sweep the whole business under the carpet at this point. They did not want to take any measures whatever.

There was one small newspaper, The Living Word, which ignored the prohibition and published the Social Revolutionaries Grigori Alexinsky's and Vasili Pankratov's article about the German funding of Lenin's party on the 5 th (18th) of July. That was another reason why Lenin began to hate the right wing faction of the Social Revolutionaries.

In their article, the authors presented various excerpts from those documents, which showed that the Bolshevik leader, Vladimir Lenin, had been given money for his agitatory campaign by the Germans through a certain Mr. Svensson who worked at the German Embassy in Stockholm. Lenin had received money and instructions from reliable people like Jakub Furstenberg alias Yakov Ganetsky and Alexander Parvus in Stockholm and Ganetsky's relative, the Jewess Yevgenia (Dora) Sumenson (actually Simmons) in Petrograd. She worked at the Fabian Klingsland firm in Petrograd and had lived in Sweden and made business trips to Denmark during the war. She also worked with speculations on the stock market.

The German money was transferred from the German Imperial Bank in Berlin via Nya Banken in Stockholm to the Bank of Siberia in Petrograd. All this according to Hans Bjorkegren. Another who received this German money was the Jewish Bolshevik lawyer Mieczyslaw Kozlowski from Poland. He was in constant contact with Alexander Parvus and Jakub Fiirstenberg.

German Imperial Bank had, according to order 7433 of the 2nd of March, opened accounts for Lenin, Trotsky, Ganetsky, Kollontay, Koz- lovsky (Kozlowski), Sumenson and other important Bolsheviks. Not only Lenin was involved in shady financial transfers, but also Trotsky, Zinoviev, Sverdlov, Dzerzhinsky, Kollontay, Josef (Isidor) Steinberg, Volodarsky, Ganetsky, Kozlowski, Radek, Uritsky, Menzhinsky, Yoffe and a few others.

On the same day, the 5th (18th) of July, Pavel Pereverzev, the minister of justice, was made the official scapegoat for the fact that those secret documents had leaked to the press, and was forced to resign. It was claimed that the government first wanted a thorough investigation into the Bolsheviks' alleged high treason.

The Bolsheviks' premature attempt to take over power ended. It is explained in the collection "The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union" (Moscow, 1959, p. 218) that the workers and soldiers had sufficient strength to overthrow the Provisional Government and seize

power in July but that it was too early. Why it was too early was not explained. That was why the students were taught that what happened on the 3-4th (16-17th) of July was just a "peaceful July demonstration".

On the 6th (19th) of July, Lenin published a defensive article in the newspaper Listok Pravdy, where he angrily repudiated the accusations against him as a "rotten invention" of the bourgeoisie. Lenin averred never to have met Sumenson and to have nothing in common with Kozlowski and Furstenberg. Lenin was not convincing in his unashamedness, however, and his letters showed the opposite of what his article said. Nor could he explain where he obtained the money to give out 17 different daily newspapers, whose total circulation amounted to 1.4 million copies every week. (Vladimir Lenin, "Collected Works", Vol. 35, Moscow, p. 260.)

Trotsky tried to maintain that the money came from the workers. But could the workers really collect hundreds of thousands of roubles every week just to support the Bolsheviks when there were other labour parties, which were more popular than they were? Trotsky convinced no one with his blatant lies.

On the 6th (19th) of July, other newspapers also began publishing telegrams reporting transfers of German money to the Bolsheviks in Petrograd under various innocent pretexts. (David Shub, "Russian Political Heritage", New York, 1969.)

In Lenin's official biography (p. 177), all these accusations were re- garded as libel on the part of the provocateurs. On the evening of the 6th (19th) of July in Margarita Fofanova's flat, Lenin said to Stalin: "If the least fact in connection with the money transfers is confirmed, it would be exceedingly naive to believe that we should be able to avoid death sentences." (Akim Arutiunov, "The Phenomenon Vladimir Ulyanov /Lenin", Moscow, 1992, p. 73.) He might have believed so, but he was wrong.

The government knew that Lenin had sent a letter to Ganetsky and Radek in Stockholm on the 12th (25th) of April 1917, in which he told them: "I have received the money from you!" That the Provisional Government knew about these shady affairs and had access to Lenin's secret letters is proved in the periodical Proletarskaya Revolyutsya (The Proletarian Revolution) which, in the autumn of 1923, published several of Lenin's strictly secret letters. He had sent one of those letters from

Petrograd to Ganetsky in Stockholm on April 21st (4th of May). He wrote: "The money (two thousand) from Kozlowski got here." The editorial staff had obtained the letters from the Archive of the Revolution in Petrograd. The chief of that archive, N. Sergievsky, related that the letters had been found in the archives of the Provisional Government's Department of Justice.

Thus the Provisional Government copied all of Lenin's letters, knew about his illegal activities and were even aware that Lenin had contact with a German spy, Georg Slarz, but took no measures whatever. On the contrary, they connived with the Bolsheviks. N. Sergievsky, who sent those copies to the periodical Proletarskaya Revolyutsya without knowing what the letters contained, disappeared without trace in 1926. (Akim Arutiunov, "The Phenomenon Vladimir Ulyanov/Lenin", Moscow, 1992, p. 73.)

The most sensational thing was that the Provisional Government's agent in Stockholm helped the Bolsheviks smuggle some of the German money into Petrograd in a courier's bag. (H. Bjorkegren, "Ryska posten", Stock- holm, 1985, p. 137.) This was evident from Lenin's correspondence with Ganetsky-Fiirstenberg. All this was extremely embarrassing for the Provisional Government.

Ganetsky-Fiirstenberg was on his way to Petrograd from Stockholm with important party documents just before the revelations. He learned about the scandal in Haparanda and cancelled his journey. He stayed in Haparanda at first, then returned to Stockholm to be on the safe side. His representative, Solomon Chakowicz, a Polish Jew, stayed in Haparanda with his luggage. The French military attache Pierre Laurent sent an agent to Haparanda to steal Furstenberg's luggage. Whether he was successful has not yet been revealed.

Parvus rapidly disappeared from Copenhagen and turned up again in Switzerland in the wake of this scandal. He never answered Radek's and Furstenberg's telegrams where they asked him to deny the accusations. He preferred to keep quiet.

Of course, Parvus was scared. Perhaps he feared that information about his role in the February coup would be revealed in connection with the money transfers. Later, however, he claimed that he had pulled many of the strings whilst living at Stureplan in Central Stockholm and that the troubles had been provoked.

Because of the concrete proof against Lenin, the chief prosecutor had no other choice but to begin an investigation into his activity. During the investigation it was revealed that there were 180 000 roubles on Yevgenia Sumenson's bank account and that a further 750 000 had been successively transferred during a period of six months from Nya Banken in Stockholm. (A. Karayev, "Lenin".) A telegram from Sumenson read: "Have Nya Banken send a further 100 000." She had earlier received a total of just over two million. A lot more money had been transferred to the lawyer Kozlowski's account - 1.3 million a month.

There was no longer any choice - Lenin was accused of treason to his fatherland and espionage. On the 7th (20th) of July the Provisional Government wrote an order of arrest for Lenin, Grigori Zinoviev and Leon Kamenev (Rosenfeld). The latter was editor-in-chief of Pravda (Truth). A writ was also issued. The bourgeois as well as the social revolutionary newspapers demanded that the accusations against Lenin should be tried in court. At the same time, Alexander Parvus' name also appeared in the press.

There were some Bolsheviks who thought Lenin could clear his name from these serious accusations before a court and therefore wanted to see him tried. Stalin and Ordzhonikidze were decidedly against this.

The minister for war and naval affairs, Alexander Kerensky (1881- 1970), stepped forward on the 8th (21st) of July (he had just visited the front) and took over the post of prime minister to resolve this conflict with "peaceful means", as the phrase went.

President Thomas Woodrow Wilson (a freemason) immediately began praising Kerensky as an eminent statesman and a worthy member of the Democratic Union of Honour. At the same time, Wilson blocked all attempts at peace negotiations with Germany.

On the 9th (22nd) of July at 11 o'clock in the evening Lenin left Petrograd together with Zinoviev. He wanted to avoid the risk of being revealed as a German agent. Lenin had stayed in Maria Sulimova's flat and not with Sergei Alliluyev, as was officially claimed. Joseph Stalin and Sergei Alliluyev followed Lenin out of town. At first he stayed in Sestro- retsk and later in Razliv. One month later, he travelled to Jalkala (Finland) and finally ended up in Helsinki.

The most remarkable and puzzling thing was that no one, despite the order of arrest, looked for Lenin. No one wanted to arrest him, despite the

fact that the Soviet propaganda later claimed the opposite. Alexander Parvus, meanwhile, began publishing spiteful attacks against Alexander Kerensky in the German press. He also sabotaged any possibility of peace. Lenin's, Zinoviev's and Kamenev's denials were repeated in Maxim Gorky's paper Novaya Zhizn on the 1 lth (24th) of July.

On the 13th (26th) of July, the Petrograd Soviet demanded that Lenin and Zinoviev should be put on trial. Lenin continued to ignore those demands since he knew very well what might be revealed during a trial.

The Bolshevik and freemason Nikolai Sukhanov (actually Gimmel) maintained, like many of his comrades, that Lenin was innocent and had nothing to fear from a possible trial. Lenin was afraid of such an investigation.

In September 1991, the lawyers' union in St. Petersburg demanded that the accusations against Lenin should be investigated after the event. They wanted to put him on trial posthumously.

Pavel Milyukov's bourgeois newspaper Rech (Speech) also accused Leon Trotsky of having received 10 000 dollars for propaganda. That was why Trotsky called July 1917 "the month of the greatest libel in the history of the world".

The pressure of public opinion led to the arrest of Leon Trotsky and Anatoli Lunacharsky (actually Bailikh-Mandelstam) on August 5th. The authorities also arrested Alexandra Kollontay (1872-1952). Finally, even Mieczyslaw Kozlowski, Leon Kamenev and Yevgenia (Dora) Sumenson were arrested. This was only done to calm the public. All those people were accused of having contacts with Alexander Parvus who was regarded as an agent of the German Kaiser.

The man in charge of the investigation, Alexandrov, collected plenty of material, filling a total of 24 volumes. They were kept in a special archive and made available to historians only after the fall of Communism. The authorities never got any further than this, despite having all the evidence they needed that the accused persons had collaborated with the enemy during wartime. This evidence would have been enough to execute all those involved. But the authorities took no further action.

The 6th Bolshevik Congress began on the 26th of July (8th August). Some of the delegates (Joseph Stalin, Sergo Ordzhonikidze, Nikolai Skrypnik, Nikolai Bukharin) were against Lenin and Zinoviev appearing voluntarily in court. V. Volodarsky was among those who wanted Lenin

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put on trial. Lenin never forgot this and Volodarsky was assassinated on June 20th, 1918, less than a year later. Lenin decided to revenge himself upon Volodarsky immediately upon hearing that he had raked together much too big a fortune, which should have been the property of the Party leadership. Lenin had himself emphasised that the Bolsheviks must never forget anything.

Kerensky began releasing arrested Bolsheviks as early as the 17th of August. Kamenev was the first to be set free.

Kornilov's Revolt

The Supreme Commander of the Russian army, General Lavr Kornilov (1870-1918), no longer wanted to take part in the shady game of the revolutionary freemasons. He broke away from them and began preparations in Mogilev to overthrow Kerensky's government. Kornilov understood that those left-wing ministers, who for many years had been shouting that they could do better than the Tsar's ministers were actually perfectly ignorant people.

According to the prevailing myth, the February revolution was a very positive event. In reality, this coup d'etat led only to anarchy, as the writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn emphasised in a BBC interview.

On the 19th of August (1st September), Kornilov ordered his Cossacks to attack Petrograd. On the 25th of August (7th September) Kornilov said to his chief of staff: "It is time to hang the Germans' supporters and spies led by Lenin. And we must destroy the Soviets so that they can never assemble again!"

On the same day he sent General Alexander Krymov's troops towards Petrograd with orders to hang all soviet members. (John Shelton Curtiss, "The Russian Revolution of 1917", New York, 1957, p. 50.)

In his proclamation on August 26th (September 8th), (Novoye Vremya, 11th of September 1917), Kornilov accused the Provisional Government of co-operating with the Germans to undermine the state and army. He wanted to dissolve the Soviets and demanded that Kerensky should step down and give the power up to him. Kornilov understood that the Bolsheviks were the greatest danger to Russia. That was why he wanted them all imprisoned.

Kerensky knew he had been exposed. His game was over. So he continued releasing imprisoned Bolsheviks. Kozlowski was also set free. He worked as a Chekist after the Bolsheviks' take-over of power.

Kerensky was seized with panic and declared on the 27th of August (September 9th) that Komilov was a mutineer and officially deprived him of his command. Kerensky turned to the Bolsheviks for help against Komilov to salvage whatever he could. All the Bolsheviks were, as if by magic, immediately cleared of all charges and presented as the best possible defenders of democracy. Had not Trotsky said in the United States that power should be given to whoever was best able to develop democracy in Russia? The Bolsheviks, however, did everything they could to keep Kerensky in power. It was still too early for them to take over. The Bolsheviks had completely "forgotten" Lenin's slogan: "No support for the Provisional Government!" ("The Shorter Biography of Lenin", Moscow, 1955, p. 168.)

The Bolsheviks began organising political strikes. They encouraged the workers and soldiers to defend the government. On the 27th of August the socialists founded a Central Committee against the counter-revolution to- gether with the Bolsheviks. They ordered thousands of sailors from Kron- stadt to Petrograd. The workers of Petrograd were forcibly mobilised. The Bolsheviks threatened to kill them if they did not obey. The Red Guards were immediately given back the weapons, which had been confiscated during the fierce July days.

The Soviets began arresting people, primarily those who were suspected of sympathising with Komilov. Thousands of officers were arrested in this way. A total of 7000 politically "suspect" people were arrested. (John Shelton Curtiss, "The Russian Revolution of 1917", New York, 1957, p. 53.) The railwaymen were also mobilised and began sabotaging the railways. Thus Komilov's elite troops were halted and surrounded.

International freemasonry suddenly began using enormous resources to halt Komilov, since the appearance of his revolt on the political scene had not been in the manuscript; he had to be removed by any means possible, including guile and violence. He was depicted as the worst thing that ever happened to Russia. Myths about him continue to be spread to this day. It is even claimed that he was ignorant of politics.

The freemasons began a huge propaganda campaign among Komilov's soldiers who were thoroughly scared and confused. General Alexander

Krymov (a freemason) was invited to negotiations with Kerensky. I do not know what they threatened Krymov with, but upon leaving this meeting he shot himself (if it was really he who held the weapon).

The freemasons succeeded with their combined efforts in stopping Kor- nilov's national troops barely a week later, on the 30th of August (12th September).

The left-wing leaders have always regarded right-wing national patriots as the biggest threat to their socialist world-view. Kornilov was arrested on the 1st (14th) of September but later managed to escape. The Bolsheviks immediately took the initiative in the Soviets. On the same day Kornilov was arrested, they gained a majority in the Petrograd Soviet in the local elections. They became dominant in Moscow on the 8th (21st) of September.

Trotsky was also released from prison on the 4th (17th) of September. Nobody wanted to remember anything about the July scandal any longer. Now the time was ripe to prepare a quiet, peaceful transfer of power. The

suitable astrological time for the seizure of power had been calculated in advance.

The Take-Over of Power

To confuse and to camouflage their Illuminist order in Russia, the Bolshe- vik leadership intended to call the future regime the Soviet (i.e. Kahal) regime.

On September 21st, 1917, Jakub Furstenberg sent a telegram from Stockholm to Raphael Scholan (Shaumann) in Haparanda (it is preserved in the American National Archives): "Dear comrade! The office of the banking house M. Warburg has opened in accordance with telegram from president of Rhenish-Westphalian Syndicate an account for the under- taking of Comrade Trotsky. The attorney (agent), presumably Mr. Kastroff, purchased arms and has organised their transportation... And a person authorised to receive the money demanded by Comrade Trotsky. Fiirstenberg."

On the 23rd September (6th of October) Trotsky was elected chairman of the Petrograd Workers' and Soldiers' Soviet, despite his being neither a soldier nor a worker. Everything was possible among the freemasons.

Meanwhile, the United States demanded ever larger contributions to the war from Kerensky. The Provisional Government reluctantly complied. The minister for war affairs, Alexander Verkhovsky, resigned in protest. It is interesting to note that the American demands ceased immediately after the Bolsheviks had seized power.

I must point out here that, according to Antony Sutton, different docu- ments in the archives of the American State Department prove that David Francis, the American ambassador in Moscow, was kept well-informed about the Bolsheviks' plans. The White House knew at least six weeks in advance when the Bolsheviks would take over power. That event had been appointed to take place on a date, which happened to coincide with Trotsky's birthday. So, those plans were known in the United States as early as the 13th (26th) September 1917.

The president of the United States Thomas Woodrow Wilson knew in advance that the Bolshevik take-over would prolong the world war. But he did nothing to stop their plans. On the contrary, he did everything in his

power to aid them. The United States of America was the only nation to make a huge profit on the war. All the other warring powers lost gigantic sums and came to owe the United States a total of 14 billion dollars. It has been calculated that the international financial elite made a total of 208 billion dollars on the war.

The British government also knew about the Bolshevik plans, since they also recommended that their subjects leave Moscow at least six weeks before the take-over. (Antony C. Sutton, "Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution", Morley, 1981, p. 45.) So it appears both London and Washington knew whom they were dealing with.

The 8th of November came ever closer and the Bolsheviks did every- thing in their power to spread apathy among the workers and soldiers, which they later intended to exploit. They also tried to tempt people with the magic word: "Peace!", which no longer felt so treasonable.

The Bolshevik Party was not very large at this point. Furthermore, it had an Illuminist core of 4000 members who were most active. Meanwhile, the circulation of Pravda decreased from 220 000 to 85 000 copies.

According to Margarita Fofanova, Lenin returned to Petrograd on the 5th and not the 20th of October, as officially claimed. He stayed with Fofanova until the take-over. The authorities knew perfectly well that Lenin was in Petrograd. Lenin's sister Maria confirmed this to an official. The Provisional Government did not in any way try to pursue or arrest Lenin.

The Bolshevik plans to seize power were no secret. The general public was not ignorant about them and least of all the Provisional Government. Zinoviev and Kamenev wrote quite openly of their plans in the newspaper Novaya Zhizn on the 31st of October. Lenin had also spoken publicly of those plans on a number of occasions. The historian E. M. Halliday ad- mitted in his book "Russia in Revolution" (Malmo, 1968, p. 114) that the authorities knew of the Bolshevik plans in detail. So why, unless they were involved in the conspiracy, did they do nothing about it?

For several historians, however, the mystery was not so much the fact that the Bolsheviks had officially discussed their take-over plans in the press, but that the Provisional Government took no steps to protect itself; in fact it did quite the opposite. Prime Minister Alexander Kerensky refused to order special troops to Petrograd, when this was suggested.

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(Mikhail Heller and Alexander Nekrich, "Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 37.)

It is of course a fabrication that the leading Bolsheviks gathered on the 23rd of October (5th of November) in Nikolai Sukhanov's (Gimmel's) flat and only then decided to organise the assault on the Winter Palace. Any other Bolshevik leaders but Lenin and Trotsky would have said that armed action was completely unnecessary, since they would gain power at the Second Soviet Congress on the 25th October (7th of November) anyway.

This seems to have been a later invention since Trotsky had already formed a military revolutionary committee on the 12th (25th) of October. The power was transferred to this organ in secret on the 21 st of October (3rd of November). (Heller and Nekrich, "Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 38.) All the available facts today suggest an organised plot and not any kind of spontaneous action.