DE GRUYTER MOUTON
Gendered expressions in a popular anime
53
and reproductions of heterosexual male dominance to claim power in a same-
sex social group. At the same time, Kiesling also points out the following:
What we see here is that heterosexual identities and ideologies are being created in a
much more complex way: there is really no separated group of heterosexuals in the domi-
nant culture. This group, like men a few decades ago, is considered the norm, and is
indeed hardly a coherent group. But as we have seen here that we can identify heterosexu-
ality as part of these men’s socially constructed identity. (Kiesling 2006 [2002]: 129)
This study observes the ways in which a medium of Japanese popular culture
such as anime constructs hegemonic heterosexuality (as well as hegemonic
masculinity), and the ways in which these are made identifiable to an American
English audience in translation.
2 Data and methodology
The data used for this study are the series CB, which was originally released in
Japan in 1998. According to Susan Napier, the author of Anime from Akira to
Howl’s Moving Castle: Experiencing contemporary Japanese animation, ‘[CB]
gained an intense following both in America and Japan precisely because it
took certain conventions of masculinity and explored them on a deep and emo-
tionally satisfying level’ (Napier 2005: xiii). The story takes place in the year
2071, largely on the spaceship Bebop, and follows the adventures of a group of
bounty hunters (two male and two female): ex-yakuza Spike Spiegel, ex-cop Jet
Black, sexy con-woman Fay Valentine, and teenage computer hacker Radical
Edward. In the years following its release, the show became extremely popular
overseas and remains one of the most popular anime series outside Japan
today; the movie version was subsequently released in 2003 and Hollywood
announced the making of a live-action version in 2009. CB was selected for this
study because of its stereotypical portrayal of hegemonic masculinity. Accord-
ing to Cameron & Kulick (2003: 140):
It is important to acknowledge that desire is materialized and conveyed through semiotic
resources that are variably distributed among members of the societies in which they are
used. As Penelope Eckert (2002) has observed, there will be structured variation in peo-
ple’s use of what we have called the ‘social semiotic of desire’, because different kinds
of people are socialized to desire different things, and/or to express their desires in differ-
ent ways. (2003: 140)
The point here, however, is that the social semiotic of desire depicted in CB
caters to a general heterosexual market. Hero and babe characters represent
Authenticated | ellmh@nus.edu.sg author's copy
Download Date | 2/13/13 12:05 AM
DE GRUYTER MOUTON
54
Mie Hiramoto
anime archetypes of heterosexual normativity, as, in Eckert & McConnell-Ginet’s
words (2003: 35), they are modeled after universally quintessential man and
woman: someone like Superman and Scarlett O’Hara. The heterosexual norms
in CB are established through semiotic resources such as body image and lan-
guage use. Images of the main characters of CB are shown in figures 1 and 2:
Figure 1: Ed, Spike, Jet, and Faye.
1
Figure 2: Faye Valentine.
2
An obvious babe character, Faye, has the body of a model and speaks in
feminine forms. Similarly, the heroes Spike and Jet are both physically and
mentally skilled, although both have prosthetic body parts due to previous inju-
ries. Spike is a martial artist, master of Bruce Lee’s Jeet Kune Do, and Jet is an
experienced mechanic and capable programmer who loves bonsai gardening.
In addition, not only do Spike and Jet speak idealized rough men’s language,
they are excellent fighters and extraordinary pilots. All 26 episodes of the series
were transcribed in both Japanese and English, and selected tokens were quan-
tified in order to analyze the distribution of gendered expressions among both
male and female characters in the show. Each episode runs about twenty-three
1 Copyright
©
SUNRISE. Permission for reprint received 2009. All rights reserved.
2 Copyright
©
SUNRISE. Permission for reprint received 2009. All rights reserved.
Authenticated | ellmh@nus.edu.sg author's copy
Download Date | 2/13/13 12:05 AM
DE GRUYTER MOUTON
Gendered expressions in a popular anime
55
minutes, and has a largely self-contained plot with different guest protagonists,
side characters, and villains. Most of the characters other than the four main
characters mentioned above appear only once. The total data covers about 600
minutes of audiovisual recording, excluding opening and closing credits and
previews. The American English data are based on the dubbing, not on the
subtitles.
For the analysis of the Japanese transcriptions, the use of first person pro-
nouns (1PPs), second person pronouns (2PPs), and sentence final forms (SFFs)
was examined, as the use of these features is known to be highly gender-
dependent. Similarly, gender-specific linguistic features suggested by Lakoff
(2004 [1975]) were employed to investigate the characters’ speech styles in the
American English dubs. The characters in CB were separated first into male and
female groups, then further classified into separate categories for quantitative
analysis. Within the female group, characters were separated into the following
five categories: the overtly feminine main character, Faye; the gender-ambigu-
ous main character, Ed; guest protagonists (number of characters using 1PPs,
6; 2PPs, 5; SFFs, 6);
3
side characters (1PPs, 10; 2PPs, 5; SFFs 11); and villains
(1PPs, 0, 2PPs, 0, SFFs, 1). The male group was divided similarly: the two main
male characters Spike and Jet; guest protagonists (1PPs, 8; 2PPs, 8, SFFs, 11);
side characters (1PPs, 74; 2PPs, 35, SPFs, 98); and villains (1PPs, 30; 2PPs, 14,
SFFs, 22). While the linguistic behaviors of the female main characters (Faye
and Ed) are so distinct that their tokens required separate examinations, the
behaviors of the male main characters (Spike and Jet) were similar enough to
be categorized together. As seen from the total number of speakers for different
linguistic tokens, it becomes clear that certain linguistic features (e.g., 2PP)
were used less frequently by some characters than by others in the data. Fur-
ther, in larger theoretical concerns regarding the data analysis, we must not
forget that there is no one-to-one correspondence when translating from one
language to another. For example, as Japanese women’s language (JWL) does
not exist in American English, different sets of linguistic tokens representing
femininity in American English needed to be investigated.
3 1PP = first person pronoun, 2PP = second person pronoun, SFF = sentence particles and
forms
Authenticated | ellmh@nus.edu.sg author's copy
Download Date | 2/13/13 12:05 AM