Strachan’s syndrome), probably caused by chronic malnutrition
(Strachan, 1897). Similar observations were made by Domingo
Madan (1856–98) in Cuba during the rebellion against Spanish
domination between 1886 and 1898 (Santiesteban-Freixas et al.,
1997). Recently, another such epidemic struck Cuba, manifesting
itself as a sensory and optic neuropathy, neuro-sensorial deafness,
dorso-lateral myelopathy, spastic paraparesis, dysphonia and dys-
autonomy (Thomas et al., 1995). Therefore, the events at the
Ajuda asylum could be one of the earliest modern descriptions
of avitaminosis-related peripheral nerve disease (probably some
form of sensory-motor radiculoneuropathy), preceding those of
Strachan and Madan by a few decades. Alternatively, the presence
of behavioural abnormalities in conjunction with the remaining
clinical findings should also raise the possibility of a pellagra out-
break similar to the Paris epidemic. In fact, pellagra was endemic
in Portugal at the time of the debate and its neurological mani-
festations were described by Bombarda before the end of the
19th century (Bombarda, 1896). In either case, the contributions
of Gomes, Barbosa and Jorda˜o to the field of nutrition-deficient
neurological diseases deserve to be remembered.
In light of these interpretations, the picture that emerges for the
period of time between 1860 and 1864 is not one of successive
outbreaks of epidemic hysteria, but rather that of a malnourished
and overcrowded community of children and adolescents living in
poor hygienic conditions, and who suffered from diseases typically
associated with these circumstances. There is some supportive evi-
dence for this hypothesis. It is obvious that the affected orphans
went through a prolonged period of economic deprivation: after
the death of their parents in 1856–57 and during the initial tur-
bulent years at the asylum (as documented by Jorda˜o) they may
have been subjected to several years of malnutrition. When
Barbosa, in 1865, carefully documented their dietary intake
(which by then appeared adequate), almost a decade had passed
since the yellow fever epidemic. This period of time would be
sufficient to induce the clinical manifestations we now know to
be related to vitamin deficiency, such as painful peripheral neu-
ropathies and haemeralopia. At least three pieces of clinical evi-
dence are concurrent with this interpretation: first, Jorda˜o’s
eyewitness description of the clinical status of the orphans at
the time of admission into the asylum: ‘lymphatism’, ‘pro-
nounced loss of weight and emaciation’ and ‘ulcerative stomatitis
rapidly developed and became epidemic’, as well as his record of
the truly deficient dietary regimen, which besides being hypoca-
loric was notably absent in several food categories, including
fresh fruits and vegetables containing vitamins and trace elem-
ents; second, Clemente Mendes’s pioneering description of the
ocular and visual findings now known to be associated with
vitamin A deficiency during the second epidemic; and third, des-
pite the gradual improvement in the dietary conditions at the
asylum that could have helped reverse the clinical situation, the
reappearance of paralysis cases in patients suffering from chronic
vomiting, again pointing towards the role of malnutrition. In fact,
chronic vomiting has been associated with the acute appearance
of neurological symptoms such as Wernicke encephalopathy
(Wilson et al., 2006). Naturally, it is still possible that some, if
not all, of the clinical events during those 4 years might have
been psychosomatic in nature, or at least formed by a superim-
position of hysterical colouring over an organic substrate, but
given the circumstantial evidence, it is more reasonable to
blame them entirely on the deleterious consequences of poor
social
support:
poverty,
malnutrition
and
institutional
overcrowding.
Conclusions
There are two main lessons to be taken from the ‘Ajuda paralyses’
debate. On one side, they provide insight into the status of famil-
iarity and understanding of diseases of the nervous system by
Portuguese clinicians in the mid-19th century. At this time,
Rilhafoles was the single institution in the country for the treat-
ment of neuropsychiatric patients and there were no dedicated
clinics or academic researchers in these areas. It is therefore nota-
ble that Gomes, Barbosa, Jorda˜o and Motta were so well aware of
the latest scientific developments and had their own critical views
on them. The debate in the SCML reveals the interest that these
nascent disciplines had for Portuguese clinicians. Barbosa, Jorda˜o
and Motta, as respected teachers at the Lisbon Medical School,
would help foster the development of the next generation of clin-
icians, such as Bombarda and Sousa Martins, towards the formal
establishment of neurology and psychiatry as independent discip-
lines in Portugal.
On the other side, this debate illustrates the development of the
modern concepts of psychosomatic disease and peripheral neur-
opathy, from the overabundance of other confounding nosological
entities that did not survive the test of time, such as Bouchut’s
nervosism, Brown-Se´quard’s reflex paralyses and Jaccoud’s periph-
eral paralyses. At a time when the clinical-anatomic method and
the development of neuropathology were finally providing explan-
ations for the mysterious manifestations of neurological and
psychiatric diseases, these vague concepts and hypothetical
pathophysiological constructs were naturally condemned to
non-existence. Biological understanding of the mechanisms of
neurological disease would become the core feature which
allowed the development of effective therapies, a process that
accelerated in the last decades of the 20th century. Psychiatry,
fortunately, is currently undergoing the same type of scientific
revolution, based on the recent availability of tools—genetics, ex-
perimental pharmacology and functional imaging, to name a
few—that allow us to pry into the processes underlying functional
brain disorders. Hopefully, this will help end the century-long arti-
ficial division of neuropsychiatry into two separate fields, bringing
us full circle to the 19th-century holistic view of ‘nervous diseases’,
only now based on a solid foundation of neuroscientific
knowledge.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Professor Luis Fontoura at the
Technical University of Lisbon and Dr Peggy Ho at Stanford
3150
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P. Fontoura
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on 13 December 2017
University for help with obtaining relevant references and critical
comments.
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