The ‘Ajuda paralyses’: the
debate and its protagonists
From 1860 until 1864, four mysterious epidemics would strike the
orphan population of the Ajuda asylum—referred to as a whole as
the ‘Ajuda paralyses’. They would be the subject of a 2-year-long
debate in the SCML, led by four major participants: Bernardino
Antonio Gomes (1806–77), Antonio Maria Barbosa (1825–92),
Abel
Jorda˜o
(1833–74)
and
Eduardo
Augusto
Motta
(1837–1912) (Fig. 2); all of them would publish at least two
works on the subject, one each in 1865 and 1866, roughly split-
ting into two opposing fields, Gomes and Barbosa versus Jorda˜o
and Motta. Bernardino Gomes was the president of the SCML
(1864–66 mandate) at the time of the debate and although past
his more productive years, was still a renowned figure. Trained in
Paris, he had been the first physician to use chloroform and ether
anaesthesia in Portugal, and in 1844 had published a landmark
report regarding a personal tour of the major establishments for
‘alienated’ patients in Europe [including institutions in Holland,
Germany, France, northern Italy and England (Gomes, 1844)],
which provided support for the creation of the Rilhafoles
asylum in 1848. He would start the debate, and his contributions
(Gomes, 1865a, b, 1866) were based both on direct observation
of the patients in the beginning of the outbreaks as well as on
information from the resident asylum physician, Angelo de Sousa.
Appearing as his main supporter, Barbosa was one of the rising
stars of Portuguese medicine. He was a brilliant surgeon (the first
to perform an ovariectomy in Portugal), professor of Pathology
and Surgery at the Lisbon Royal Medical and Surgical School
and future president of the SCML (1870–72) (British Medical
Journal, 1892). His descriptions are based on first-hand observa-
tions of the asylum and some of the patients at the end of the
epidemic period, for which he provided a detailed clinical picture;
he would also outline the theoretical framework for classification
of these epidemics of paralysis (Barbosa, 1865, 1866).
The third protagonist in this debate, Abel Jorda˜o, was another
of the great clinical figures of his generation and—like Gomes—
also trained in Paris. Famous for his Estudos sobre a Diabete
(Studies on Diabetes, 1864), he would unfortunately die prema-
turely at age 41 (Lancet, 1874). Also president of the SCML
(1862–63), his two publications on this subject (Jorda˜o, 1865,
1866) supply eyewitness accounts of the difficult initial phase of
the asylum: ‘Soon after the Ajuda asylum was created [. . .]
I started working free of charge in that house [. . .] As a rule, all
children were examined by me before admission, and I had the
occasion to note that nearly all [. . .] were in a terrible state of
health. Glandular swellings, more or less pronounced loss of
weight and emaciation were almost always present [. . .]. As far
as hygienic conditions the plight of these unfortunate children did
not much improve with their admission to this establishment’
(Jorda˜o, 1865). He would stop working for the asylum just
before the start of the epidemics, in frank disagreement with
the poor sanitary and dietary conditions and the excessively reli-
gious education the children were subjected to. The final partici-
pant in the debate, and the youngest, is Motta, who became a
relevant figure of the next generation of physicians [which
included Bombarda and Sousa Martins (1843–97)] and who
would also be president of the SCML (1879–81). He was the
only one of the four who did not have any contact with the pa-
tients or the institution, and would intervene twice (Motta, 1865,
1866), mainly to criticize Gomes’s interpretation of the facts and
to side with Jorda˜o, but did not provide any new data to help
judge what happened at the asylum during those 4 years.
Therefore, in order to recreate the events during that period, we
are limited to the facts that can be derived from the other three
authors: Jorda˜o for the background information at the start of the
epidemics, Gomes for a description of the initial findings, and
Barbosa for a detailed description of the clinical manifestations
and asylum conditions at the end of this period. As for the inter-
pretation of the findings, however, all would contribute far
beyond their direct experience.
A succession of epidemics:
clinical manifestations
The first outbreak lasted from March 1860 until May 1861 and
affected 9 out of the 114 resident female orphans in the
Figure 1
(Top) Penitential procession in Lisbon during the 1857
yellow fever epidemic. Reproduction of an original drawing from
the second half of the 19th century. (Bottom) Group photo-
graph of an intern class at the Ajuda asylum; illustrated postcard
from the late 19th century.
The ‘Ajuda Paralyses’
Brain 2010: 133; 3141–3152
|
3143
Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/brain/article-abstract/133/10/3141/321467
by guest
on 13 December 2017
institution. All were between 10 and 17 years of age and had
been at the asylum for more than 2 years. The inaugural com-
plaint was an increasingly severe neuralgic pain in the upper
thighs, progressively radiating to the lower limb extremities,
accompanied by paresis (patients could not stand or walk, but
could move the limbs while lying down) and sensory abnormalities
(hypo and anaesthesia) at its peak. In 8 out of 9, both lower limbs
were affected, and in the remaining patient both upper and lower
right limbs. There were no signs of spinal cord injury such as
sphincter abnormalities. A few months later, these findings were
joined by ‘seizures’, ‘delirium’, emotional liability with excessive
crying or laughing and depression. According to the resident phys-
ician, contagion by imitation was frequent for these secondary
phenomena and they came and went spontaneously, resolving
entirely when the orphans were taken out of the asylum. Before
the start of this epidemic, Jorda˜o noted that there was a climate of
‘[. . .] sensorial exaltation among the students; they suffered from
nightmares, had tingling in the limbs which would eventually
become paralyzed, laughed and cried with great facility [and]
were impressed by the descriptions of Hell made during religious
services [. . .]. A rumour passed among them that in the basement
people were buried and trying to come out. One student,
Joaquina Delie´, stated at times that she saw people and shadows
sitting on her bed, and all her companions started to believe in
such phenomena’ (Jorda˜o, 1866).
The second epidemic started while the first one was still
progressing; in November 1860, 22 internees (16 males and
6 females) between 7 and 15 years of age began complaining
of ‘crepuscular blindness’ or haemeralopia, and xerophthalmia.
They were observed by the military ophthalmologist Joa˜o
Figure 2
The protagonists of the debate: Bernardino Anto´nio Gomes (top left), Anto´nio Maria Barbosa (top right), Eduardo Motta
(bottom left) and Abel Jorda˜o (bottom right).
3144
|
Brain 2010: 133; 3141–3152
P. Fontoura
Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/brain/article-abstract/133/10/3141/321467
by guest
on 13 December 2017