the proportions of blood constituents (dyscrasia, a term adapted
from the hippocratic-galaenic concept of unbalanced humours). As
regards the Ajuda epidemics, Barbosa clearly opposed the diagno-
sis, based on the facts that ‘the general status of the paraplegics,
their physiognomy was certainly not that of anaemic or chlorotic
patients [. . .] they were not pale, or discoloured, or had the bad
colour of chloro-anaemic girls [. . .] they never had heart palpita-
tions, disturbances in digestive function, or oedema. [. . .] The ones
who had menses continued to have them without any alteration.
[. . .] Some presented with a carotid murmur, [but] that sign, in
isolation [. . .], does not appear to us to indicate the presence of
this disease’ (Barbosa, 1865). But even though there was agree-
ment in classifying the paralyses within the functional category,
there was dissent as to the precise diagnosis. For Gomes they were
reflex paralyses, Barbosa preferred to call them peripheral, and for
Jorda˜o and Motta they were hysterical. Again what a priori seems
to be a byzantine debate over small differences in meaning actu-
ally reflects different pathophysiological concepts, which became
the fulcrum of the debate: hystericism versus nervosism, reflex and
peripheral versus hysterical paralyses.
The concept of nervous diseases, or ‘neurosis’, first appeared in
the late-17th century in William Cullen’s classification as a separ-
ate class of general diseases to encompass ‘all those preternatural
affections of sense and motion, which [depend] on a more general
affection of the nervous system’ [quoted by (Lopez Pinero,
1983a)]. By the mid-19th century, neurosis had evolved, via the
works of Philippe Pinel (1745–1826), E´tienne Jean Georget
(1795–1828) and Achille Louis Foville (1799–1878), to have
both an anatomoclinical as well as a functional meaning. In this
view, neurosis came to signify a group of diseases of unknown
cause, whose symptoms pointed to an origin in the nervous
system, but for which no identifiable pathological basis could be
found (Lopez Pinero, 1983b). While still grouping together several
entities, which by modern standards would not be included in a
list of nervous system disorders (such as Foville’s Order IV ‘neu-
roses of nutrition’, which included disorders of digestion, breathing
and circulation, or Georget’s inclusion of asthma, nervous palpita-
tions and gastralgia), the list became progressively narrower and
reflected functional localization to the nervous system.
Hysteria and hystericism paralleled the evolution of the concept
of neurosis. Deeply rooted in classical medical tradition, the diag-
nosis of hysteria had been overly used as an explanation for mood
and behaviour abnormalities associated with a diverse array of
organic dysfunctions, typically in young females with menstrual
or sexual problems, and thought to be directly linked to problems
in the female sexual organs. This view was to change gradually
into one of a disease that could affect both genders and appear
before puberty, without an exclusive relationship to sexual or gy-
naecological problems, and caused by a poorly defined nervous
dysfunction. In fact, as far back as the 17th century, both
Sydenham and Thomas Willis (1622–75) had started to break
with the traditional view and proposed that hysteria was due to
dysfunction of the nervous system.
Hysteria
subsequently
appeared within Class III (Spasmi) in Cullen’s classification of the
neuroses, Robert Whytt (1714–66) named it as one of the ‘simple
nervous
disorders’
(Lopez
Pinero,
1983a)
and
in
Pinel’s
classification it is listed again in the class of neuroses, in
Order V (‘neuroses of sexual function’) (Lopez Pinero, 1983b).
Even if placed within the group of nervous diseases, the con-
ceptual latitude of the diagnosis of neurosis in the early 19th cen-
tury still allowed two competing pathophysiological interpretations
of hysteria, in which the ultimate cause of the disease was either
still in the sexual organs indirectly linked by peripheral nerves to
the nervous system (‘uterine neurosis’), or primarily in the brain
(‘encephalopathic’) as was defended by Georget (Lopez Pinero,
1983b). Later, Pierre Briquet (1796–1881) (Fig. 3) attempted to
steer away from these localizationist discussions by studying hys-
teria with the great methodical spirit of 19th-century French phys-
icians, and managed to collect and systematize the full clinical
histories of 430 patients with the diagnosis of hysteria (Goetz
et al., 1995). In Briquet’s view, hysteria was also a ‘cerebral neur-
osis’ in which affective problems manifested themselves indirectly
as varied dysfunctions of multiple organ systems (Mai and
Merskey, 1981), but he negated the supposed protean and un-
predictable symptomatology of the disease (Lopez Pinero, 1983b).
In his Traite´ de l’Hyste´rie (Briquet, 1859), he methodically
described the spectrum of clinical manifestations of hysteria
(hyperaesthesia, anaesthesia, sensory perversions, spasms, convul-
sions, hysterical paralyses, disturbances of muscle contraction),
predisposing factors (psychological and physical, social class, edu-
cation, emotional and moral problems, profession, sexual habits),
precipitating factors, clinical course, diagnosis and prognosis
(Mai and Merskey, 1980). When, a decade later, Sigismond
Jaccoud (1830–1913) (Fig. 3) published his Traite´ de Pathologie
Interne (1869), the neuroses were classified in a purely localiza-
tionist framework as cerebral, cerebrospinal, brainstem or periph-
eral, and hysteria placed in the cerebrospinal category (Jaccoud,
1869). Charcot would further develop this concept of hysteria as
an organic brain disease due to a ‘functional’ disturbance of the
cortex (functional since, as with epilepsy, he could not find any
microscopic abnormalities therein) (Goetz et al., 1995). For him,
there was no real difference between the clinical characteristics of
sensory and motor symptoms (such as paralysis) caused by hys-
teria or structural lesions, as both were related to dysfunction of
the same pathways. It was only with his disciple, Joseph Babinski
(1857–1932), that the distinction between functional and organic
neurological symptoms became clearer. Babinski (and his contem-
poraries) helped detail neurological semiology, including the de-
scription of the cutaneous-plantar response (and its association
with pyramidal tract lesions), the cremasterian and abdominal-
cutaneous reflexes, and the precise topography of hysterical hemi-
plegia and hemianaesthesia (Philippon and Poirier, 2008). These
differences suggested a psychological causality for hysterical symp-
toms and would finally lead Babinski to propose that hysteria was
a psychical state in which the patient had a pathological predis-
position to self-suggestion, and that its name should be changed
to pythiatism (Babinski and Froment, 1917). So, at the time of the
SCML debate, hysteria was being increasingly considered as a
functional but organic brain disorder that might be precipitated
by emotional problems, religious pressures or malnutrition;
Gomes, Barbosa and Jorda˜o quote Briquet and evidently use the
term in that context.
3146
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Brain 2010: 133; 3141–3152
P. Fontoura
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