There was repercussion against Dr. Fielderman. The Germans were upset by his letters
and his intervention on behalf of the Jews of Bessarabia and wanted him removed. The
Association of Christian-Romanian lawyers published a protest and demand sending
Dr. Fielderman to trial for anti-patriotic activities. In the end, the denunciation was
successful and Dr. Fielderman was not allowed to continue to be a member of the
Association of lawyers. Prior to that, on December 16, 1941 the union of Jewish
communities was disbanded and was replaced by the “Jewish Center”, according to the
German model and with the participation of Gustave Richter, the emissary of Eichmann
in Germany.
In the meantime, at the end of October. Before it was disbanded, the union of Jewish
communities tried once more to help the evacuees. Hundred of bogus telegrams
arrived in Bucharest announcing illness in the family hoping that those sick would be
released or they could receive medications. There were private attempts to save
individuals. One of the leaders of the Kishinev community, Attorney Shapiro, managed
to reach Bucharest and knocked on many doors in despair trying to save his neighbors.
He was unsuccessful. He was given an opportunity to stay and to save himself, but he
preferred to return to Kishinev and was never heard from again.
The union of Jewish communities tried to intervene directly with the central authorities
in Bessarabia. They sent to Kishinev Attorney Musat, a Christian in their employ. Not
much is known about his actions, but he did send a telegram announcing his failure.
Another attempt was planned to save the Jews of Bessarabia who survived the
evacuation to Transnistria. It was during the negotiations about the return of the
evacuees. This began at the end of fall 1942 in Bucharest. The plan included
immediate emigration- a condition presented by the Romanian representative. After
the Germans found out about the plan, through their ambassador in Bucharest, all
attempts to return refugees from Transnistria or to allow them to immigrate were
unsuccessful.
During the summer and fall of 1943 the negotiations for repatriation were renewed,
but slowly, due to the inquests in Transnistria and a decision about who had preferred
rights.
In the meantime the military situation of the Germans and Romanians worsened.
There was a retreat on the southern front. In the summer of 1943 the Germans lost
Kharkov, Stalino and the Doenitz Basin. In November of that year the German and
Romanian armies were surrounded in Crimea. Romanian leaders began to accept
reality and became more flexible. The negotiations about the fate of the Jews were
renewed at that time. The Jewish leaders in Bucharest began to prepare detailed plans.
One of those who was involved was Fred Shraga- an important figure in the attempt to
save Romanians Jews in Transnistria. He went to Transnistria in January 1943 as head
of a delegation of the help committee organized by the Jewish Center. In the report he
presented on November 12, 1943 he gave some practical suggestions on how to save
the evacuees of Bessarabia. There were about 7-8,000 people involved. He thought
they should be brought back to Moldova or Bukovina, as close as possible to
Bessarabia. A few days later there was a high-level consultation with the participation
of Antonescu and his advisers, including the governor of Bukovina. They discussed
moving the Jews from Transnistria in a way that would not put them in the path of the
retreating German army who would massacre them. One of the participants at the
meeting informed those present that the Jews had a suggestion for the preferences in
the moving of the evacuees, beginning with 5,000 orphans. They also discussed with
Antonescu the problem of the Jews of Bukovina and Bessarabia and how to deal with
them. Antonescu offered to gather them in Vizhnitza in Bukovina (as suggested by
Fred Shraga). The governor of Bukovina did not accept this suggestion.
In the meantime the front came closer to Bessarabia. In February 1944 the Russian
army reached the banks of the Bug, crossed the river, entered Transnistria and went
over the Dniester north of Kishinev. On March 28, 1944 the army reached the northern
Prut, near Iasi. As a result of these activities a large part of Bessarabia-its northern
section-is now in the hands of the Russians. In southern Bessarabia there was still a
German force that stood its ground until Romania surrendered. This stubborn stand
had no military value, but it was following an explicit order by Hitler.
The evacuees of Bessarabia returned home. Some of them went to old Romania and
from there to Eretz Israel. This is an important additional story in itself, but
documentation is still incomplete.
T.I.L.
THE FATE OF THE JEWS OF BESSARABIA IN AREAS OF THE SOVIET UNION
On July, 1941, when the conquest of Bessarabia by German and Romanian armies was
completed, there were about 50, 000 Bessarabian Jews in areas of the Soviet Union that
had not been conquered. Some were political prisoners who had been exiled before
the war to distant areas, a few were military and the majority were citizens who arrived
after the war broke out either on their own or as evacuees. After they crossed the
Dniester and arrived in the Soviet area it was difficult to distinguish between the
refugees and the evacuees since all were given help by the authorities. A few had a
specific destination and tried hard to reach it, but the majority were refugees who
simply went east using trains that had space for them, following instructions by the
authorities or just escaping the Germans.
Many of the Jewish refugees from Bessarabia were caught by the German army at
different stages during their escape and their bitter fate was the same as that of the
Jews of Ukraine under German rule. Even among those who managed to escape the
advancing German army there were many victims of starvation, illnesses and
exhaustion.
The testimonies available inform us that the refugees from Bessarabia were centered
mainly in Tashkent, Pergana, Stalingrad, Frunze, and Uffa and in collectives in
Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan or in Sverdlovsk, Ural, Caucasus, etc. Many were absorbed
in factories or collectives where they found jobs as day workers or peddlers. The
women worked in cotton harvesting or other agricultural tasks. The pay was usually
quite low. Still there were some instances where talented or professional refugees
found employment in top positions in administration. (The former bank manager of
Edinets was appointed as chief accountant of a large construction and electrical
company in the Novocherskoy district).
When the number of Jews in villages and collectives in Uzbekistan grew there was a rise
in anti-Semitic sentiment among the Uzbeks, encouraged by the Poles. In spite of the
harsh economic conditions and the difficult living situation, social life and culture
among the Jewish refugees were lively and there were even weddings performed. In
general, there were good relations between the Jews of Bessarabia and those from
Poland residing there.
In general, the public and government authorities in Soviet Moldova did not show
special interest in the refugees from Bessarabia. In larger concentrations of people
from Bessarabia and Moldova there were “agents” representing the political and
government entities of Soviet Moldova whose task was to help in finding work,
providing food and petrol and in propagating political ideas among them. The
refugees did not know much about these activities and some of them were not even
aware they existed.
One of the main activities that these institutions assumed in April 1942, aided by the
agents, was local fund raising to purchase tanks for Soviet Moldova. At the end of the
year a special Moldovan department was established within the broadcasting system of
Moscow. There was also a renewal of the newspaper “Socialist Moldova”. In February
1943, in Tashkent, there was a conference of refugees from Bessarabia that was
dedicated to “the struggle of the Moldovan people against the German conqueror and
his Romanian servants”. Most important for the refugees from Bessarabia was the
work of the Moldovan republican institutions that prepared a cadre of government
workers prior to the anticipated liberation from the Germans. Craftsmen and experts
in various fields among the refugees as well as the unemployed were part of this
program that began to function at the end of 1943. There was great participation in
courses in different locations in the Soviet Union.
POLITICAL EXILES
The fate of the Jewish political evacuees that had been exiled into interior Russia
during the Soviet regime of 1940/41 and especially June 1941 was quite bad. About
10,000 Jewish souls wandered in packed freight cars going eastward. The prisoners
who had been found guilty and those who were deemed “dangerous” to the regime
were treated in a similar manner.
Some of the political prisoners, among them those who were caught crossing the
border to or from Romania illegally, as well as Jewish leaders, were sent in early 1941
to various locations in Russia-some to miserable Archangelsk. From the few letters
received from them it was discovered that the elderly and the weak became ill
immediately while younger people did hard labor – mostly cutting down trees. Other
prisoners, among them members of a Zionist underground, either imprisoned in
Kishinev before the war or arrested later, were transferred at the end of June to interior
Russia. They were heavily bombed by the enemy while on route. At the beginning of
the trip they were put into a prison in Tiraspol across the Dniester. From there they
were taken through the town with heavy escort to the train station. At the station they
were placed on locked freight cars with only tiny barricaded windows. They were
brought in these cars to Irkutsk in Siberia after a voyage of 5 weeks. They suffered
greatly from the terrible crowding, hunger and thirst, and the insufferable heat. In
addition, hordes of fleas and lice attacked them and they never had a chance to bathe.
When the prisoners were brought to their destinations in Ural, Siberia and other God-
forsaken places, they were subject to lengthy investigations. They were abused and
tortured to force them to admit to political crimes such as spying, slander or carrying
on propaganda against the Soviet regime, etc. Many were sent to labor camps for
lengthy periods of time. They did forced labor and lived in harsh conditions. Very few
of them remained alive as a result of this. One of the female prisoners who stayed at a
camp near Sverdlovsk reported that they were forced to work 14 hours a day cutting
trees and sawing them. They were poorly fed. Soon many contagious illnesses hit
them due to the poor healthy conditions. From 1,800 prisoners brought there to work
only about 300 remained a few months later. Many who succeeded in remaining alive
were disabled for the rest of their lives.
The prisoners who fulfilled their time or those who became disabled were liberated
from the labor camps, but they remained under the supervision of the government.
They found other work in various places and were fortunate to return to Bessarabia or
Czernowitz. Some even succeeded in leaving the Soviet Union.
In June 1941 there was mass evacuation of thousands of families and their methods of
transportation were not any different from those of the prisoners. Many travelled for
weeks in locked freight cars with two holes on the floor instead of toilets. There were
70-80 people in every car. They rode mostly in daytime and stopped at night on side
tracks, far from a station. This was done so no one would notice them. Two or three
people from every car were sent to find food for the others. The food was poor and
minimal. Almost immediately the men were separated from their families and were
interrogated and tried as prisoners. Most of them were found guilty according to
Soviet law and they were sentenced to five years and more. They did hard labor in the
taiga of Siberia and other locations. Family members had to live apart from them, up
to 20 years at times, in distant places across the Ural Mountains and in central Asia.
Many of them died due to harsh conditions and climate and poor living conditions.
Many of the heads of families who did the hard labor far away from their families died
not knowing the fate of their dear ones. After many months there was permission for
the reunification of families, but very few succeeded in doing so. After the war a few
families returned to Bessarabia.
THE JEWS OF BESSARABIA IN THE WAR AGAINST THE GERMANS
REGULAR ARMY: The Jews of Bessarabia were able to participate in the war against the
Nazis and their collaborators when they were able to join the Soviet army either directly
or indirectly. Although there was an official draft in Bessarabia early in the war, the
enlistment offices were not really prepared to receive them. In some locations the
enlistment operated on a need basis and as a result many Jews were able to join the
army at the beginning of the war. In general they were placed in special units that
were almost completely Jewish and they were sent to the front at the Dniester.
In addition to the Jews who were drafted in the beginning, many of the refugees joined
the Red Army at certain stages of the war. There were cases, especially in the
beginning, where Jews from Bessarabia and other areas were not accepted by the Red
Army and were sent to the Labor Army or other civilian organizations. They received
protective documents. The evacuees and the prisoners were never permitted to serve
in the army.
Many Jews from Bessarabia who survived the German and Romanian conquest were
drafted into the Red Army when it reached them in Ukraine, Transnistria or Bessarabia
early in 1944. Some enlisted looking for revenge for the terrible times they had
suffered during the conquest. Many of them were refugees that had just returned from
exile in Transnistria. A Jewish soldier who was drafted upon his return from
Transnistria testified that after he was injured and lost his eye in a battle in Poland he
continued to serve in a field engineering unit in Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and
Germany before it surrendered.
It is difficult to estimate the number of Jewish soldiers from Bessarabia who fought in
WWII; there is no doubt that there must have been thousands of them. Many were
killed or injured during battle. A considerable number of them received decorations
and medals including the highest award in the Red Army – Hero of the Soviet Union.
PARTISAN ACTIVITY: The Jews of Bessarabia played an important part in political
military activities on the home front during the German and Romanian conquest. They
were members of the Soviet partisan movement. Prior to their retreat the Soviets
planned to leave in Bessarabia loyal members, especially from among the Communist
Party and the Comsomol, to do underground work in partisan and other spy groups.
The program was not always successful due to time pressures and other reasons. It
was sometimes activated by the government and party institutions of Soviet Moldova
that retreated after the Red Army. In August 1941some active Communists infiltrated
conquered Bessarabia. In September another group was sent by the central committee
of the Moldovan Communist Party (in Donetsk). It was to contact the underground and
included several Jews. At the same time other Jews were sent to Bessarabia and one of
them was Barukh Moshe Deutch. He went to the Kishinev area and made contact with
the ghetto. According to one version he tried to form a secret cell there and to find
Jewish youth for the partisans. Deutch was caught by the authorities and was hung.
All the other activists were caught and killed or they died during their sorties. Very few
of them, among them several women, remained alive after the war.
Jews from Bessarabia were active as partisans in Ukraine, Crimea, Transnistria and
other places. They were part of the Moldovan partisan movement or other movements.
RETURN OF THE REMNANTS
The Soviet forces began to return to Bessarabia during March 1944. At the time they
only controlled the northern section of the province. They passed through Transnistria
where only a small part of the thousands of Jews, evacuated there by the Germans and
Romanians, remained alive. Kishinev was conquered by the Red Army on August 24.
The army was followed by units of activists sent by the authorities and the Party of
Soviet Moldova. These units were established in areas of the Soviet Union that had not
been conquered. They consisted of administrators, security, and economics experts.
Their main task was to re-establish Soviet rule in all liberated areas and to begin
rebuilding. As happened in 1940/41 there were many clerks and specialists who were
brought from other areas of the Soviet Union, mainly Ukraine.
When the Red Army returned to Bessarabia there were only remnants of the local
Jewish community that had existed before the war. Some died in attacks, mass
murders and others were evacuated to Transnistria or the Soviet Union. Those among
the evacuees who were fortunate enough to see the Red Army returning to their homes
saw in it a liberating force and received the soldiers warmly.
Soon a feeling of bitter resentment developed among the Jewish survivors against the
military and civil authorities. There were rumors that the Jews survived because they
had cooperated with the conquerors. Some were upset because the survivors were
sent by the authorities to do military service or work in mines as soon as they
returned.
Soon the survivors were permitted to return to their homes in Bessarabia. They were
followed by the refugees who had been in Ukraine, interior Russia and even Ural and
central Asia. Those who returned found their house empty and ruined. In many cased
the survivors were the only ones who remained from their families. The survivors did
not stay in small communities, but went to larger towns and cities. Some left
Bessarabia and went to Romania, Eretz Israel or America.
Many survivors settled in Kishinev and soon their numbers grew to over 500. There
were attempts to organize cultural life with literary evenings and a Jewish theatre
group. However, communal activity was mainly centered in the synagogue and the
religious community.
The conditions in smaller towns were far worse. There was no organized Jewish life,
whether cultural or religious. The only concerns were making a living. There were
hardly any young people and the representatives of the Soviet authorities were new
and were not known to the veteran Jewish Communists. Even in these towns life
centered mainly around the synagogues, but only for a short time. The authorities
allowed meetings in synagogues and the keeping of Jewish customs and traditions, but
there was no official recognition or financial support.
In spite of the absence of cultural and educational institutions and the fact that Jewish
writers were unable to publish their work, there was still some semblance of Jewish
culture even under these conditions. The use of Yiddish was popular and the attitude
to the language was respectful. Even 14 years later (1959), in the census, 48,000
(50.5%) of the 95,000 Jews in Moldova declared Yiddish to be their mother tongue.
T.L.V.
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