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multiple levels, and the ways in which they are ‘nested’ – to use the words of Ostrom. Inter-relatedness and
complementarity also implies that rules are mutually reinforcing, which creates a certain amount of inher-
ent consistency and stability to the institutional system. Herbert A. Simon refers to society as a ‘a whole
system of interlocking roles’ or institutions.
35
However, there is not always – if ever – a perfect inner coher-
ence between the rules of a system. There may be a poor fit, and then some institutions will prove ineffective
in guiding behaviour. Informal rules, for instance, may not yet have been adapted to new or altered formal
rules, whereby inconsistencies and tensions between them arise. Or, formal economic or political rules are
rendered ineffective because they have not been adjusted to already existing informal socio-cultural rules.
And partial formal institutional reform may cause inconsistency between different formal rules. Institutional
inconsistency creates behavioural uncertainty for actors – for instance, about which rules apply – and insta-
bility. Perhaps institutional systems are best described not as stable and coherent but as continuously under-
going gradual change and adjustment in formal and informal rules. Indeed, institutional systems may expe-
rience both relatively stable and unstable periods. Still, institutional change would appear to be an ongoing
process. To this we now turn.
35
Simon (1982b), p. 390
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2
Institutional Development and Processes of Change
2.1 How are Institutions and Actors Related?
The relationship between actors (or human behaviour) and institutions is two-sided. First of all, rules influ-
ence actors by constraining or promoting their behaviour. At any point in time, the existing institutional
framework thereby shapes incentives for behaviour, which in turn influence human action and interac-
tion, organisational activity and performance. This is the first relationship. However, and as discussed
above, the institutional system would seem to undergo more or less constant change, and humans are the
ones who change the rules. Hence, the second relationship implies that rules in their turn are created and
altered by human behaviour – the actions of individuals and organisations.
36
Consequently, rules do not exist in isolation – nor do they ‘act’ themselves – but always in relation to
actors (individuals and organisations). This means that they cannot be studied in isolation, but only
through their relationship and ‘interaction’ with actors. Similarly, enforcement and implementation
requires enforcing and implementing organisations and individuals, and adherence to rules implies cer-
tain behaviour. In fact, rules themselves cannot be observed; the documentation of formal rules can, but
this says little about their actual use and effectiveness. Hence, one way to study institutions is to observe
the behaviour or behavioural patterns that implementation, enforcement and adherence to them gives
rise to, as well as the consequences of such individual and organisational activity.
The distinction between institutions and organisations is important, as mentioned earlier, because in
order to understand institutional change we must study the interaction between institutions and actors. It
is, in fact, ‘[t]he interaction between the two [that] shapes institutional change.’
3
The distinction is impor-
tant also for effective policy and reform measures. There is a great difference between changing the rules
of the game and changing the players of the game, and the consequences differ. It may be relatively easy
to exchange the players, for instance by replacing individuals or establishing new organisations within a
given institutional framework.
38
Changing the rules may be more difficult, but the consequences are often
greater.
39
Hence, by keeping the concepts institutions and organisations apart, we obtain far more useful
analytical categories.
2.2 What is Institutional Change and Development?
Institutional development here refers to institutional change in a direction that promotes sustainable eco-
nomic, political and social development, aiming at poverty reduction. It thus has a positive value con-
notation. Institutional change, by contrast, is value neutral. It may involve change, modification or disman-
tling of already existing rules or the creation of altogether new rules, regardless of whether the change is
36
Several scholars – for instance, Frey (1990), p. 445, and Langlois (1986b) – hold that it is precisely this dual relationship between
institutions and actors that institutional analysis is about. Cf. Kasper and Streit (1998), p. 29, who refer to the ‘two-way rela-
tionship between economic life and institutions’.
3
North (1995), p. 15
38
Such organisational change was common, for instance, within the parastatal structure of agricultural marketing organs
(including co-operatives) in Tanzania during the 1970s and 1980s, but implied no fundamental change in the functioning of
parastatals or agricultural markets. (Eriksson Skoog, 2000, Chapters III & IV, passim)
39
When Tanzania changed the rules of the game by deregulating trade in agricultural products (and other commodities) and thereby
abolished buying monopoly power (so-called monopsony) in the mid-1980s – hence a clear change in the rules for agricultural
trade by different economic actors, individual peasants as well as private enterprises and parastatal organisations – the function-
ing of not only parastatals but of the entire agricultural market changed. (Eriksson Skoog, 2000, Chapter V, passim)