5
foster growth and increase equality along the growth path. All policy variables included in
our analysis are found to have a positive effect on average income growth (ranging from 0.31
to 0.83 percentage points); and increasing female labor participation is found to have a
positive impact on income equality by 0.20-0.35 percentage points. Those estimates are
significant in magnitude relative to the recent levels of low (or even negative) growth.
The rest of the paper is organized as follows. Next section discusses various concepts and
definitions of inclusive growth. Section III presents a descriptive analysis of recent trends in
inequality and poverty in Japan along various dimensions, such as age groups, gender,
employment status. Section IV presents our measure of inclusive growth, based on the
measure developed by Anand et al. (2013). Section V illustrates the results of our empirical
analysis. Section VI presents some scenario analysis based on our regressions, and discussed
policy implications. Section VII concludes.
II. I
NCLUSIVE
G
ROWTH
:
M
ULTIPLE
D
EFINITIONS
Inclusive growth is a multidimensional concept and the notions of inclusiveness and
inclusive growth have varying definitions, interpretations and connotations. Since the mid-
2000s, the term earned a significant popularity in the operational work of various
international institutions, although it had been used sparsely in the scholarly literature before
that. Various “inclusive growth” measures have been used to define policy orientation and
priorities in resource allocation, and to evaluate and monitor projects. The wide range of
definitions used can sometimes be cause of confusion, although it also provides flexibility in
the operationalization of the inclusive growth concept. According to the existing literature, a
broad classification of inclusive growth measures can be done according to two criteria,
which we will now discuss in detail.
First, inclusiveness measures in the literature can be classified by whether the inclusiveness
is scaled by monetary or non-monetary measures. The monetary approach is less demanding
in terms of data collection and analysis and highly compatible with conventional notions of
poverty. However, it may fail to capture some important non-monetary aspects of poverty
and inequality, and of the impact of policies to address them. The second approach, on the
other hand, gives proper consideration to non-monetary factors, such as opportunities and
access to social services across socioeconomic groups. Ali and Son (2007), for instance,
propose a measure, which takes into account the varying degree of access to social services
and health benefits across income groups. Like multi-dimensional poverty measures, non-
monetary measures of inclusive growth are informative but difficult to interpret. A balanced
analysis, then, should use both types of measures to achieve a manageable but useful
assessment of the growth strategies.
Another conceptual discussion, following Klasen (2010), is whether inclusiveness is
measured by a process or an outcome. Inclusive growth in process often refers to labor
participation during economic growth. This dimension of inclusiveness is a core issue for
6
many developing countries and natural resource rich countries, where growth in certain
industries such as oil production does not necessarily lead to employment and higher wage
for the whole population. Another instance is exclusion of certain segments of the population
from economic activities. Inclusiveness in outcome, in contrast, looks at the gains from the
growth such as the income (distribution) or access to public services such as education and
health care. Clearly those two measures of inclusive growth are related to each other, and the
distinction is a matter of analytical framework. In summary, different measures capture
different aspects of inclusiveness, and they are most informative when they are used
complementarily rather than exclusively. A complementary approach reduces the risk of
focusing exclusively on some aspects of inclusiveness while failing to address others.
In light of the above discussion, in the remainder of the paper we try to capture various
aspects of inclusiveness in the Japanese economy, although the primary focus is placed on
the monetary measure of inclusive growth. First, we examine measures of income inequality
to highlight current trends. Second, we look at poverty measures. Then we investigate the
extent to which certain demographic groups are disadvantaged compared to others in terms
of income. Lastly, we run multivariate regressions to determine and quantify key factors of
inclusive growth and derive policy implications. In the econometric part, we use as proxy of
inclusive growth the measure developed by Anand et al. (2013), which takes into account
both average income growth and its equity impact.
7
III. I
NCLUSIVENESS IN
J
APAN
:
T
RENDS AND
S
TYLIZED
F
ACTS
A. Income Inequality
When measured using the Gini coefficient of market income (before fiscal redistribution),
inequality in Japan has increased steadily in the last three decades. While an upward trend
and some degree of
convergence can be observed
amongst all G7 countries,
Japan’s pace of increasing
inequality has been
exceptionally high, marking a
15 points increase in about 25
years. The latest available
figure imply that income
inequality in Japan, starting
from the lowest G7 level in the
mid 1980s, has almost
converged to the G7 average of
0.50 (text chart).
Part of the increase in market inequality might be related to the exceptionally rapid pace of
aging of the Japanese population. As Jones (2007) suggests, an increasing share of elderly
population increases income inequality for various reasons: the elderly population earn less
income than the working population; inequality among the elderly population is greater than
amongst working population; and an increasing number of elderly people have been forming
small households consisting of elderly only, instead of forming households with working-age
population.
Another measure of income inequality, which takes into account the impact of fiscal
redistribution, is the Gini
coefficient of disposable income.
This measure reflects the actual
livelihood status of households, as
disposable income represents how
much each household, including
those who retired, is capable to
spend after tax and transfers. In
Japan, the disposable income Gini
coefficient rose moderately, yet
consistently (with the exception of
a temporary drop in the early
2000s) over the last three decades.
0.3
0.35
0.4
0.45
0.5
0.55
Canada
France
Germany
Italy
Japan
United Kingdom
Gini before Taxes and Transfers (Market Income)
Source: OECD
0.2
0.25
0.3
0.35
0.4
Canada
France
Germany
Italy
Japan
United Kingdom
United States
G7 Average
Gini after Taxes and Transfers (Disposable Income)
Source: OECD