Formal and Informal Politics in Macau Special Administrative Region Elections

Conclusion

The 2004 Chief Executive election and 2005 Legislative Assembly elections mark the dynamics of formal and informal politics in the MSAR. Formal institutions facilitate political space for the development of informal politics. The election system of Chief Executive as well as the Legislative Assembly indirect election encouraged the development of social groups politics in Macao. More and more groups were formed by political actors for their participation in elections. However, instead of having open competition among candidates, social groups would bargain and negotiate among themselves, and determined representatives in the Election Committee as well as indirectly-elected legislators in the black box. The negotiation and bargain among groups and organizations marks the political culture of Macao that aiming to political harmony and avoiding confrontation. Although the 2005 Legislative Assembly direct election possessed fierce competition and enormous mass participation, the rivalry turned out to rampant vote buying activities. Social groups politics triggered to the marketization of political participation. The government could not and incapable to halting irregularities in elections. To the fact that informal politics smooth the Chief Executive Edmund Ho’s ruling in the MSAR, the dynamics of formal and informal politics is corroding governability of MSAR government and corrupting democratic betterment of Macao with money politics.

1 Haruhiro Fukui, “Introduction,” in Lowell Dittmer, Haruhiro Fukui and Peter N.S. Lee (eds), Informal Politics in East Asia, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 2-3.

2 Ibid., p. 4.

3 Ibid., p. 2.

4 Ibid.

5 Timothy Mitchell, “The Limits of State: Beyond Statist Approaches and their critics,” American Political Science Review, vol. 85, no. 1, (March 1991), p. 90.

6 Fukui, “Introduction,” in Informal Politics in East Asia, p. 3.

7 Ibid.

8 Lowell Dittmer, “Conclusion: East Asian Informal Politics in Comparative Perspective,” in Lowell Dittmer, Haruhiro Fukui and Peter N.S. Lee (eds), Informal Politics in East Asia, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 292.

9 Ibid.

10 Herbert Yee, Macao in Transition, (New York: P, 2000), p. 159.

11 Fukui, “Introduction,” in Informal Politics in East Asia, p. 12.

12 Ibid.

13 Lowell Dittmer, “Conclusion: East Asian Informal Politics in Comparative Perspective,” in Informal Politics in East Asia, p. 295.

14 Ibid.

15 Ibid., p. 296.

16 In his study of the North Korean informal politics, Samuel Kim indicates that Kim Il Sung exerted suppression on informal activity in the government as well in the party. Samuel S. Kim, “North Korean Informal Politics,” in Lowell Dittmer, Haruhiro Fukui and Peter N.S. Lee (eds), Informal Politics in East Asia, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 237-268.

17 Haruhiro Fukui and Shigeko N. Fukai argue that the factional politics in Japanese party system was intensified when the political institutions did not exert sufficient control on informal politics. See Haruhiro Fukui and Shigeko N. Fukai, “The Informal Politics of Japanese Diet Elections: Cases and Interpretations,” in Lowell Dittmer, Haruhiro Fukui and Peter N.S. Lee (eds), Informal Politics in East Asia, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp. 23-41.

18 Lowell Dittmer, “Conclusion: East Asian Informal Politics in Comparative Perspective,” in Informal Politics in East Asia, p. 306.

19 Ibid.

20 The Basic Law of Macao Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China, Annex I, which is available at the The Macao Handover Ceremony Coordination Office web site: “http://www.macau99.org.mo/e_doc_anexo.html”.

21 Ibid.

22 Social groups and organizations have to register to the government when they are first established; otherwise they are illegal societies. The three-year period is counted from the date of their registration to the government. The Society Coordination Standing Committee of the Macao SAR government will classify the organizations to particular sectors. It has to note that the Society Coordination Standing Committee may not classify social groups and organizations to any sectors if it considers that they are not representing the interests of these sectors.

23 Chief Executive Election Law (Law no.: 3/2004), Article 20, which is available at MSAR government web site: “http

24 Ibid., Article 14.

25 The executive committees of social groups and organizations were responsible for selecting these eleven representatives for the election of Election Committee members. See Ibid., Article 19.

26 Ibid., Article 60.

27 Ibid., Article 41.

28 Ibid., Article 35.

29 Ibid., Article 60.

30 One executive committee member of a labour organization told the author that patriotism and the support of “One Country Two System” is the basic principle of all social groups in Macao. Personal interview, 18 January 2005.

31 Personal interview with Leong Kam-chun, an Election Committee member, 22 January 2005.

32 One Journalist told the author. Personal interview, 4 February 2005.

33 According to the Voter Registration Law, any social group which funding was funded by the government over fifty percent was not illegal for participation in public elections including the Legislative Assembly and the Election Committee. As the Law Society was mainly funded by the Macao government, it should not have voting rights. See Journal Va Kio, 21 February 2004, p. 4.

34 Personal interview with Leong Kam-chun, 22 January 2005.

35 Macao Daily News, 7 April 2004, B1.

36 Journal Va Kio, 21 February 2004, p. 4.

37 Personal interview with Leong Kam-chun, 22 January 2005.

38 In the Chief Executive election, four Election Committee members abstained.

39 Personal interview with Iu Veng-ion, an Election Committee member from the labour subsector, 21 January 2005.

40 Personal interview with Iu Veng-ion, 21 January 2005.

41 Personal interview with Leong Kim-chun, 22 January 2005.

42 Macao Daily News, 3 May 2004, B3.

43 Personal interview with Iu Veng-ion, 21 January 2005.

44 Macao Daily News, 11 May 2004, A11.

45 Telephone interview with Fong Man-tat, a candidate who ran election in the specialty subsector for the Election Committee, 26 January 2005.

46 Telephone interview with Iu Veng-ion, 21 January 2005.

47 Journal Va Kio, 19 April 2004, p. 3.

48 There were forty-six organizations in this subsector. Nominee, who received the support of over twenty percent of groups and organizations or the nomination with over ten organizations in the subsector, would gain the candidacy. Personal interview of Fong Man-tat, candidate in the specialty subsector, 26 January 2005.

49 Personal interview with Fong Man-tat, 12 December 2004.

50 Personal interview with Leong Kim-chun, 22 January 2005.

51 Personal interview with Fong Man-tat, 26 January 2005.

52 In that election, there were 393 out of 442 voters casting their ballot. Each of them could choose their candidates on their ballot. Fong and Lai only received 94 and 100 votes respectively. Journal Va Kio, 28 June 2004, p. 1.

53 Lowell Dittmer, “Conclusion: East Asian Informal Politics in Comparative Perspective,” in Informal Politics in East Asia, p. 292.

54 In a social gathering, the author met some political elite and Election Committee members. All of them comment on the development of Hong Kong that Hong Kong society was too political and this is good for the development of Hong Kong. In the case of Macao, political harmony was stressed and political actors would like to be cooperative forging the economic betterment of Macao. Personal conversation with some political elite and Election Committee members, 12 December 2004.

55 Journal Va Kio, 19 April 2004, p. 3.

56 In 2005, the Society Coordination Standing Committee received 41 applications (22 from the business sector, 12 from the labour and employee sector and 7 from the professional sector) from social groups and organization for registering as eligible voters in corresponding constituencies of the indirect elections. However, the Committee rejected 3, 2 and 4 applications from the business, employees and professional sectors respectively. See Macao Daily News, 31 May 2005, A04.

57 Legislative Assembly Electoral System and Electoral Law, Article 43 which is available at the MSAR government’s 2005 Legislative Assembly elections homepage: “http://www.el2005.gov.mo/cn/default.asp.”

58 For a discussion of Macao’s d’Hond’t formula, see Sonny Lo Shiu-hing, Political Development of Macau, (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1996), pp.81-115 ; also see P.J. Taylor and R.J. Johnston, Geography of Elections, (Middle-sex: Pengium, 1979), p. 461; also see Martin Harrop and William L. Miller, Elections and Voters: A Comparative Introduction, (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1987), pp.45-47.

59 Personal interview with Lei, 28 October 2005.

60 Personal interview with Jeremy Lei, 28 October 2005.

61 Personal interview with Jeremy Lei, 28 October 2005.

62 Personal interview with Jeremy Lei, 23 September 2005.

63 Personal interview with Jeremy Lei, 28 October 2005.

64 Personal interview with Jeremy Lei, 28 October 2005.

65 Son Pou, 16 April 2005, p.4.

66 MSAR government 2005 Legislative Assembly elections homepage which is available at “http://www.el2005.gov.mo/cn/default.asp.”

67 Personal interview with Jeremy Lei, 28 October 2005.

68 Macao Daily News, 13 November 2004, B05.

69 Journal Va Kio, 20 November 2004, p.34.

70 Personal interview with Jeremy Lei, 28 October 2005.

71 Journal Va Kio, 21 November 2004, p.34.

72 It is noted that the election of leadership in the MFA was by affiliated organizations instead of individual members. See Ibid.

73 Son Pou, 16 April 2004, p.4.

74 The figures were from the MSAR government 2005 Legislative Assembly elections homepage: “http://www.el2005.gov.mo/cn/default.asp.”

75 There were only 159,813 eligible voters in 2001 while, in 2005, the number of eligible voters increased 60,840 to 220,653. See MSAR government 2005 Legislative Assembly Election homepage which is available at “http://www.informac.gov.mo/re/estat/nestat1.htm.”

76 Legislative Assembly Electoral System and Electoral Law (Law no.: 3/2001), Article 75, defined the campaign period started from 15 days before the election day and ended on the day before the election day. The law is available at the MSAR government 2005 Legislative Assembly elections homepage: “http://www.el2005.gov.mo/cn/default.asp.”

77 Ibid., Article 80.

78 Ibid., Articles 81 and 158.

79 Personal interview with Fong, 7 September 2005.

80 A citizen working in the Socidade de Turismo e Diversões de Macau (STDM), which is one of the casino operator led by Stanley Ho, told the author, 6 September 2005.

81 The author’s observation on the election day, 25 September 2005.

82 Personal interview with Lei, 23 September 2005.

83 Observation of author on 23 September 2005.

84 The complaints were circulated in the pro-democracy New Macao Association’s discussion board which is available at: “http://newmacau.org/chatwin/guest.php”, the Macao Forum at the Macao Internet Community which is available at “http://www.qoos.com/bbs/forumdisplay.php?fid=9”, and the Macao Forum at the Cyber CTM website which is available at “http://www.cyberctm.com/eforum_new/forumdisplay.php?f=3”. The author accessed these websites on 21 September 2005.

85 Chan’s reply was posted on the Macao Forum at the Macao internet Community which is available at “http://www.qoos.com/bbs/forumdisplay.php?fid=9”. The author accessed the webpage on 21 September 2005.

86 The observation of author on 23 September 2005.

87 South China Morning Post, 25 September 2005, EDT5.

88 South China Morning Post, 25 September 2005, EDT5.

89 Legislative Assembly Electoral System and Electoral Law (Law no.: 3/2001), Article 81, the law is available at the MSAR government 2005 Legislative Assembly elections homepage: “http://www.el2005.gov.mo/cn/default.asp.”

90 On the election day, the author observed that there were a lot of taxis waiting out the Macao Tower which was one of the stations of the Macao Development Alliance. However, these taxis did not serve public and they were organized by some workers. Three taxi divers told the author separately that the STDM paid MOP$1,000 to rent a taxi on the election day. All of them indicated that over hundred taxis were rented. Personal chat with the taxi drivers, 25 September 2005.

91 Observation by the author, 23 September 2005.

92 On 13 September, one audience made the complaint in the Radio of Macao’s phone-in program Macao Forum.

93 See Journal Do Cidadao, 10 September 2005.

94 Personal interview with Fong Man-tat, 7 September 2005.

95 The Standard, 26 September 2005, A11.

96 One STDM employees told the author, 13 September 2005.

97 Author’s observation on the election day, 25 September2005.

98 The author chatted with a citizen on 30 September 2005.

99 Ho’s remark was covered on the News Report of the Television of Macao on 24 September 2005.

100 One STDM employee told the author, 20 September 2005. Besides, this rumor was spread on the internet. For example, there were messages on the discussion board of New Macao Association’s website that the STDM employees gathered at various stations and there would be free transportation to polling station. Employees would have extra pay by the company. See the discussion board of New Macao Association’s website which is available at “http://newmacau.org/chat/guest.php.” The author assigned the web page on 17 September 2005.

101 One employees who worked at Chow’s casino told the author, 22 September 2005.

102 According to some candidates and citizens, the price of each vote ranged from MOP$600 to MOP$3,000.

103 Personal interview with Au, 27 October 2005.

104 Personal interview with Lei, 28 October 2005.

105 Macao Daily News, 26 September 2006, B08.

106 Personal interview with Au, 27 October 2005.

107 For example, a Macao newspaper Son Pou spent a whole page criticized corruption in the elections. See Son Pou, 8 October 2005, p. 1.

108 Macao Daily News, 26 September 2005, B1.

109 Personal interview with Au Kam-sam, 27 October 2005.

110 According to the Basic Law, the legislature is composed of members from direct and indirect elections as well as appointed members by the Chief Executive. In the second secession of MSAR legislature, there would be 12 directly-elected, 10 indirectly-elected and 7 appointed seats. See The Basic Law of Macao Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China, Annex II, which is available at the The Macao Handover Ceremony Coordination Office web site: “http://www.macau99.org.mo/e_doc_anexo.html”.

111 Herbert Yee, “The 2001 Legislative Assembly Elections and Political Development in Macau,” Journal of Contemporary China, vol. 14, no. 43, (May 2005), p. 245.

112 Personal interview with Ng, 29 July 2005.

113 Macao Daily News, 2 September 2005, A01.

114 Macao Daily News, 1September 2005, A02.

115 Macao Daily News, 3 September 2005, A01.

116 Joseph Fewsmith, “Formal Structures, Informal Politics, and Political Change in China,” in Lowell Dittmer, Haruhiro Fukui and Peter N.S. Lee (eds), Informal Politics in East Asia, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 162.

117 Son Pou, 8 October 2005, p.1.

118 Personal interview with Au, 27 October 2005.

119 Personal interview with Au, 27 October2005.

120 Personal interview with Ng, 29 July 2005.

121 Personal interview with Jeremy Lei, 28 October 2005.

122 For a discussion of Macao labour policy, please see Choi Hang-keung, “The Migrant Workers Program in Singapore: What are the Lessons for Macau?” in Renli Ziyuan Kaifa Yu Zhengce Baozhang, (Human Resource Development and Policy Protection), (Macao: Centre of Macau Studies, University of Macao, 2005), pp.141-162.

123 One local reporter told the author that the authorities revealed their anxiety to the political penetration of gamblers into the Legislative Assembly. Personnel chat with the report, 26 April 2005.

124 Personal interview with Iu Weng-ion, 21 January 2005.