REFORM OF JAPANESE HIGHER EDUCATION
traditionally each professor at the majority of the private and public colleges and
universities throughout Japan has had nearly total autonomy in teaching and 2) that
tracking has taken place historically only during the entrance examination
process—once at a particular university all students are effectively lumped into the
same classes regardless of ability or interest. In Japan egalitarianism is a strong
social more in educational circles.
The impetus for these reforms was multifaceted. The introduction of a new
faculty, a school of management, necessitated a schoolwide reform of the
curriculum. The process was decentralized, since all the departments were asked
by the committee for academic affairs to rethink and adjust their individual
curricula. This included the FLG. In addition, there was dissatisfaction with the
school curriculum in general. In particular, the foreign language program was
exposed as failing in its mission. Partly this was because of the sheer size and
visibility of ELT at EUC, by far the largest department in terms of number of
classes on offer and number of professors employed. This visibility was boosted by
the presence of foreign, “native English” professors on campus. In terms of the
FLG, the third facet of this drive for changing the curriculum was the willingness
among the full-time professors to look for creative solutions, though this
willingness also involved self-serving reasons. Before the 2001 school year, neither
the ELT nor the first-year seminar curriculum and class syllabi were decided
institutionally; individual professors, not academic affairs committees or subject
departments, were given total responsibility for both the planning and content of
these classes. However, such a laissez-faire approach changed, since the
department (in the case of the EFL classes) and the academic affairs committee (in
the case of the first-year seminar) decided to take control and revamp the
curriculum for these two freshman courses.
A change in the language curriculum was the first attempt to adjust for a
perceived decline in student ability. Palfreyman (2001) discusses this phenomenon
in the context of HE in Britain, disparagingly labeling it as “dumbing down,” while
Kariya (2002, 2003) argues that the decline in academic ability in Japan is not only
exaggerated but the concern is misplaced. The result was that coursework and
assessment more “appropriate” to the learners’ ability and needs was offered. In the
English foreign language curriculum, the two required EFL classes had been taught
by non-Japanese instructors (“natives”), while the few elective classes were taught
by Japanese professors. These EFL classes were taught primarily by part-time
faculty. Although in the new curriculum most classes were still being taught by
part-timers, the ratio was changed. The FLG decided that incoming freshmen could
not handle the required first-year EC classes taught exclusively by native speakers.
The curriculum was therefore changed so that Japanese English professors would
be responsible for all first-year students, and the foreign staff would teach only
second-year or above. Significantly, in terms of their self-importance, full-time
Japanese English professors teach compulsory classes that are core (compulsory)
not merely peripheral (electives) to the ELT and EUC curriculum.
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CHAPTER 2
Full-time Japanese professors are also intensively involved in the curriculum
(tracking the incoming freshman class into different levels) and the syllabuses
(designing the wide range of elective classes now on offer). To adjust to the
increasing need for EUC students to possess more and more “qualifications” and
“certificates” to list on their resumes when job-hunting, the first-year ELT syllabus
was adjusted to help students attain a better score on the Test of English for
International Communication (TOEIC) exam. Furthermore, using a standardized
testing instrument, incoming students were streamed according to ability, a change
that affected the classroom culture of the various student level groups. From the
Japanese professors’ perspective, these reforms resulted in substantially more work
than they were accustomed to; most teach seven credit hours (koma) as well as
spend considerable time in curriculum planning and program development. As a
result, a few dedicated part-time lecturers were enlisted to help ease the workload
of the full-time professors, chafing under what they perceived as a new, busy
schedule.
The first-year seminar, since it is a homeroom class, was always taught
exclusively by full-time faculty members. However, in the past, before the reforms,
there had never been a common syllabus or even a common objective for this
course. Professors had total freedom in doing as much, or as little, in the way of
teaching, counseling, lecturing, and leading student research projects. There was no
direction for new professors. Even as a new foreign professor I was given no
official guidance. An entirely new first-year seminar was implemented at the
beginning of the 2002 school year, however. Not only was there a common
syllabus, but all students were assigned the same textbook as well (Sumiya 1981).
There was a clear objective and both the first-year seminar program as well as the
individual professors were given full support of the academic affairs committee
and administrative staff.
In addition, as part of the new first-year seminar curriculum, the institution
decided (at the considerable expense of several million yen) that all first-year
students and first-year seminar faculty would participate in a two-day freshman
orientation in the Izu Peninsula, a famous resort area in Shizuoka Prefecture, west
of Tokyo. This was well planned in advance, of course, and executed smoothly in a
regimented fashion typical of such institutional outings in Japan. The feeling was
that incoming students needed more practice in basic study and research skills,
and, to help them adjust to the academic demands and freedoms of a university, the
first-year seminar was redesigned as a sort of remedial class, with practice in
reading, writing, summarizing, discussion, presentation, and even etiquette, all part
of the syllabus, where before professors were allowed to lecture on anything they
wanted (or not, as a very few were accused of).
Implementing a Semester System
The Japanese school year begins in April and ends the following March, and at
universities, classes usually end in January, with a long spring break during
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