382
The Nobel Prizes
If the government owns the prison the same problem does not arise. Just
as the power plant can require the provision of low-ash-content coal if it owns
the coal mine, the government can forbid the prison warden from hiring cheap,
unskilled guards.
Hart et al. (1997) cite some evidence that the level of violence is indeed
higher in private prisons.
18
Of course, private provision can yield some benefits too. In the case of the
coal mine, we argued that the manager will have a greater incentive to innovate
when the mine is independent. The same is true of prisons. The warden of a pri-
vate prison will have a greater incentive to find socially efficient ways of saving
money or to develop socially valuable rehabilitation programs.
19
This might tip
the balance in favor of private provision in situations where innovation matters
and violence is a relatively small problem, e.g., half-way houses or youth correc-
tional facilities. However, in maximum security prisons, where the prevention
of violence by prisoners against guards and other prisoners is paramount, Hart
et al. (1997) conclude that the case for private provision is weak.
Hart et al. (1997) use the same logic to argue that private provision makes
sense for garbage collection, does not make sense for the army, police or foreign
policy, and may or may not make sense for schools and health care. Competi-
tion strengthens the case for privatization since actions that reduce quality will
elicit a negative market response. Competition may work fairly well in the case of
schools and hospitals, but it is hard to imagine it operating in the case of prisons.
Perhaps the most valuable lesson of the analysis is that it suggests that the
public-private choice should be seen as a matter of efficiency, not ideology.
5. FOUNDATIONS
The property rights theory described in Section 2 is based on the idea that own-
ership of non-human assets is a source of bargaining power when contracts are
incomplete. The formal models of Grossman and Hart (1986) and Hart and
Moore (1990) justified contractual incompleteness by appealing to the idea that
it may be difficult to describe in advance what kind of good a buyer wants from
a seller; this may depend on a future state of the world and there may be many
such states. In contrast, once the state is realized, it is easy to describe the good
and hence a perfect spot contract can be written. Unfortunately, when bargain-
ing takes place ex post, ex ante investments will already have been sunk, hold-
up is possible, and, anticipating this, the parties will choose these investments
inefficiently.
The challenge is to turn this informal story into a formal one.
Incomplete Contracts and Control
383
It turns out that this is not easy. Consider first the issue of bargaining power.
Return to the power plant-coal mine example. Suppose that it is desirable for
the power plant to be in a strong bargaining position ex post in order to give it
an incentive to locate next to the coal mine ex ante. Why not allocate bargaining
power directly rather than through asset ownership? For example, the initial
contract could specify that whenever renegotiation occurs it will proceed by the
power plant making an offer to the coal mine that the coal mine can only accept
or reject. Any attempt by the coal mine to make a counter-offer will be heavily
penalized.
Indeed imagine that this is all the contract says; it does not specify the quan-
tity, quality or price of coal at all!
Consider the situation where the power plant wants the coal mine to produce
low-ash-content coal. Then the power plant will make an offer to the coal mine
for low-ash-content coal in return for a payment that slightly exceeds the cost
c of mining low-ash-content coal; say the price p = c + ε. Assume that there is a
deadline by which the deal must be done. The coal mine can always threaten to
reject such a low offer, but the power plant can ignore such threats, confident that
at the last moment the coal mine will accept the offer since ε is better than noth-
ing. This is the power of subgame perfection. As a result the power plant obtains
all the ex post surplus from the transaction, and will locate next to the coal mine.
Indeed, as Hart and Moore (1988) show, it is not even necessary to stipulate
in the contract that the coal mine will be penalized for making counter-offers.
The contract could instead state that both sides can make offers and that neither
party needs to accept an offer before trade occurs; instead they can trade and
then produce a signed acceptance later. Suppose that absent any signed docu-
ment, trade is assumed to be a gift from the coal mine to the power plant. Imag-
ine now that the power plant makes the proposal described above while the
coal mine proposes a much higher price, p′, say. Then trade will occur at price
p. Why? On the one hand the coal mine can ensure itself p by trading and then
signing and disclosing the power plant’s offer in the event of a dispute. On the
other hand the power plant will never sign and disclose the coal mine’s proposal
in the event of a dispute since it would prefer to reveal nothing and claim that
the coal is a gift.
Of course, allocating all the bargaining power to the power plant gives it
an incentive to locate next to the coal mine, but it does not give the manager of
the coal mine an incentive to innovate. Suppose that the manager finds a way
to reduce the cost of coal from c to c′. Then the power plant will change its offer
from c + ε to c′ + ε. The coal mine’s innovation will be completely expropriated
by the power plant. This suggests that asset ownership may be useful after all.