15
early 1790s highlighted the need to reform popular manners and educate the masses as a
prerequisite to democratic reform.
62
It was at this juncture that Mill came across a strand of thought
imported from Germany,
which connected Protestantism to freedom and progress. In 1804, he decided to translate
and annotate Charles de Villers’ prize-winning essay “An Essay on the Spirit and
Influence of the Reformation of Luther,” written as an entry in a competition sponsored
by the Institut de France. Until then best known for his work in translating Kant’s
philosophy, Villers had seized the opportunity to further disseminate German concerns
in France, and his prize-winning essay can be read as an early example of the narrative of
Protestant supremacy that later became a well-known trope in nineteenth-century
political thought. The links between Protestantism and freedom, famously drawn by
Hegel in 1807, were in fact inscribed in a German Protestant discussion about the links
between Reformation and Enlightenment that had been underway since the 1770s. In the
wake of Kantian philosophy, both Karl Leonhard Reinhold and Johann Gottlieb Fichte
presented their philosophical projects as continuations of Protestantim.
63
Villers
particularly drew on Reinhold’s Kant-inspired account of religion history, which saw the
union of reason and morality instituted by Christ as having been forgotten in medieval
Europe, then gradually restored by the Reformation, until Kantian philosophy finally
reunified reason with revelation. Reinhold had presented Kantian philosophy within a
protestant narrative, but Villers pushed this further by linking Protestantism and the
birth of the Enlightenment in a “clear and compelling narrative synthesis,” and urged
France to adopt Kantian philosophy as a way out of the intellectual rut of empiricism.
64
It is unclear why Mill, then a young émigré in search of journalistic success, chose Villers’
text as his first foray into book publication. He appears to have been unaware of the
German discourses that emphasized the role of the religion in the Enlightenment, and
did not identify Villers’ argument as the German import that it was. Indeed in his
introduction to the translation he misread the broader political context for the Institute’s
question and Villers’ response to it. Instead of presenting the Institute’s competition in
the context of opposition to Napoleon's Concordat of 1801 and to the reinstatement of
the Catholic Church’s status in France, Mill believed it illustrated the “progress of reason
62
J. G. A. Pocock, “Virtues, Rights, and Manners: A Model for Historians of Political Thought,” Political
Theory 9/3 (1981), 353–68. See for instance the many educational schemes formulated in France under the
Directory. Andrew Jainchill, Reimagining Politics after the Terror: The Republican Origins of French Liberalism
(Ithaca, N.Y., 2008), 75–88.
63
Here I rely on Michael Printy, “Protestantism and Progress in the Year XII: Charles Villers’s ‘Essay on
the Spirit and Influence of the Luther’s Reformation (1804)’,”
Modern Intellectual History 9/2 (2012), 312.
64
Ibid, 314.
16
and liberality” in a traditionally Catholic country finally opening its eyes to the depth of
Church corruption.
65
Fresh off his studies in Presbyterian enlightened Scotland, Mill
interpreted Villers’ text as complementing the Scottish historical narratives he was
familiar with (Hume, Smith, Robertson and Millar are abundantly cited in his notes), and
as a modern French retelling of Scottish natural histories of religion that considered
Protestantism as both a consequence and a cause of modern society’s progress towards
civilization and enlightenment.
66
Most importantly, he read Villers as offering a possible
answer to the problem of the reform of popular manners: religion, and especially
Protestantism, could provide a powerful tool for such social engineering.
In his introduction to Villers’ essay, Mill's own justification for his choice of topic was
phrased in both philosophical and practical terms. He seized immediately on the question
of the influence of religion on societal progress – “an object of the utmost curiosity and
importance.” Mankind had a natural propensity to religious sentiment, he argued, which
must be channeled toward a “good” or “pure” religion. Villers’ work had attracted his
interest because it offered an “impartial representation of the happy tendency and effects
of the Reformation … upon the political condition of man, and upon his intellectual
improvement in Europe.”
67
But there were also immediate lessons to be drawn, most
notably regarding the
Catholics of Ireland, who should not only be emancipated, but also
“converted from a system, in its best shape, so much more unfavourable to their
progress in reason and virtue, than that embraced by the rest of their fellow subjects.”
68
This was the first appearance of a recurring theme in Mill's later writings: improving
religion could be an efficient way to reform morals, and therefore to accelerate the
progress of society.
Mill’s identification of religion as a tool for social engineering was at least partly inspired
by Moderate providentialist and missionary views of religious progress. Here one of his
direct references was Robertson’s former colleague Thomas Hardy, a Moderate minister
and Professor of Ecclesiastical History whose sermon “Progress of the Christian
Religion” he quoted at length in one of his notes to Villers’ text.
69
Four decades after
Robertson, Hardy had also preached before the Society in Scotland for Propagating
65
Mill, in An Essay on the Spirit and Influence of the Reformation of Luther, i.
66
Mill, however, strongly disapproved of Hume’s supposed hatred of “religion and liberty” – although
there may have been a degree of posturing on his part concerning the former. Ibid, 108n.
67
Ibid, i–ii, 5n.
68
Ibid, v.
69
Thomas Hardy, The Progress of the Christian Religion: A Sermon, Preached before the Society in Scotland for
Propagating Christian Knowledge, at Their Anniversary Meeting in the High Church of Edinburgh, Thursday, May 30,
1793 (Edinburgh, 1794).