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which the Arthurian legend has failed to remain constant in its usual socio-political
role, before it has returned to an authoritative - or paradigmatic - state.
Kuhn himself rejected any attempt to employ his theory o f paradigmatic shifts
to any branch o f knowledge outside o f the ‘hard sciences’. In 1977, fifteen years after
the publication o f Scientific Revolutions, Kuhn wrote that ‘a paradigm is what
members of a scientific community, and they alone, share.’23 His rejection of the
applicability o f his theory to other discourses partly rests on the significance o f his use
of the term ‘paradigm’. While the OED defines ‘paradigm’ as ‘a pattern or model of
something’ or ‘a typical instance o f something’, Kuhn suggested a much greater
significance: a conceptual model which underlies the theories and practices of a
particular branch o f science and, hence, a complete world view.24 Hardly can
Malory’s Morte Darthur, as great as it is, be confidently claimed to be a complete
world view. But nonetheless, in terms of the Arthurian legend, Tennyson’s Idylls and
Geoffrey’s Historia did represent the whole Arthurian story for their contemporary
readerships. And in the case o f Geoffrey and Tennyson in particular, their Arthuriads
did present an epic monument to their patronising class: the Anglo-Norman elite of
the mid-twelfth century and the English bourgeoisie o f the nineteenth - epics which
heavily defined their social and cultural self-image.*
Kuhn’s comment on the inappropriate applicability of his theory to other
discourses is questionable on several grounds. As a scientist himself, Kuhn would
have been very much aware o f how a theorist has little control on the appropriation of
* Malory’s position is harder to gauge. In his Arthuriad, Malory had offered his class ideological
consolations for many losses - among them the martial and political diminishment o f the knight, the
collapse of the French dominions and the waning of the feudal system. How influential Malory may
have been, however, is more obscure. As discussed below, the Morte Darthur did influence a
considerable influence on later writers, while Malory himself seems to have been greatly esteemed. Yet
the taste for romance was challenged by the puritan revolution o f the next century, as well as the
cultural abandonment o f the medieval in favour of the Classical. Moreover, the destruction of the
monasteries greatly reduces our knowledge o f the cultural life o f the mid-sixteenth century.
11
their work. Also, Kuhn, in denying the possible application o f his theory to other
discourses, was also making an attempt to preserve the ‘public face o f science’ and to
protect its ‘autonomy’ from ‘marauding outsiders like Marxists and New Agers’.25
Certainly, it was not until the 1970s that Kuhn began to heavily emphasise that the
paradigmatic structure o f science was wholly inapplicable to researchers outside of
the hard sciences. Also, at no point did Kuhn refer to cultural discourses - much less
legends - in his discussion o f paradigms. In my use of the paradigmatic model as
relevant to the production o f the Matter of Britain, I have not tried to argue that some
obscure connection between the discipline o f science and the discipline o f writing
Arthurian literature. Likewise, the paradigmatic model is one which I believe is not
general to literary production, but specific to the historical manifestations of the
Arthurian legend as they have appeared in England from Geoffrey’s Historia to
Tennyson’s Idylls. The paradigmatic model o f Arthurian literary production is, I
believe, the only explanation o f the evolving Arthurian legend which can account for
English Arthuriana’s anomalous position with regard to the wider European and, since
the nineteenth century, international manifestations of the legend. More regulated,
more historiographical and more malleable to political-governmental propaganda, the
English paradigmatic Arthurian tradition in the medieval period is the subject of the
next section.
The structure of Arthurian literary production in Medieval Britain
In the medieval period interest in the Arthurian story period extended across
Christendom. Treatments o f the story o f Arthur varied greatly between societies,
depending on the cultural utility each national or social group was able to derive from
the narrative. Within the constituent parts of the British Isles there developed very
different Arthurian traditions. Bar a few scattered references and a fifteenth-century
translation of the French Queste del Saint Graal (c. 1225), Irish Arthurian literature is
almost nonexistent.27 Scottish Arthurian texts - chiefly historiographical - are more
numerous. Generally, the Arthur o f the Scots was envisioned in reaction to the
English use o f Arthur as a figurehead for their imperial ambitions. The chronicles of
John of Fordun (c. 1385), Walter Bower (c. 1440), Hector Boece (1527) and William
Stewart (1534) repeatedly stressed Scotland’s historical independence and asserted
that the British throne belonged not to the illegitimate Arthur but to Gawain or
Oft
Mordred, the rightful heirs o f King Lot and Anna, Uther’s legitimate daughter. They
essentially present antitheses to Geoffrey’s Historia and its English derivatives.* Yet,
Scottish literature seems never to have developed an Arthurian tradition that was
independent o f English colonialism.
Wales, o f course, possessed a much older Arthurian corpus. Yet the precise
nature, or natures, o f its cultural utility is difficult to determine. Often the Arthurian
legend has been perceived as a cultural consolation for the misfortunes of Welsh
history.29 Yet the erratic presentations o f Arthur suggest that the myth did not always
operate in such a simplistic manner. N.J. Higham has recently argued that the pre-
Galffidian Arthur was largely a localised figure and did not become a pan-Welsh hero
until the twelfth century.30 Thus, while the dynasties of Gwynedd and Dyfed were
keen to patronise a legend about a ‘dux bellorum’ and great Christian warrior in the
Historia Brittonum (829-30) and the Annales Cambriae (c. 954), other locales were
less inclined to produce celebratory Arthurian literature.31 For instance, the Arthur of
the Vitae Sancti of the eleventh and twelfth centuries is but a ‘foil’ for the various
saints to demonstrate their superiority over secular powers. The Arthur o f these texts
* An unjustly imperious Arthur is also evident in a late fifteenth-century romance (usually thought to be
Scottish), in which he is contrasted unfavourably with Golgaros, a knight who resists Arthur’s feudal
aggression, ‘[a]s my eldaris o f aid / Had done before me’ (Golagros and Gawane, 11. 453-4).
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