had been diagnosed with oral lesions, necroses of the jaw, and anemia, died early
and painful deaths.
That ominous coincidence prompted a very quiet, factory-management-sponsored
investigation in 1924. In 1925, a second (though this time not so quiet) investiga-
tion was conducted by Dr. E. L. Hoffman, a physician working on behalf of the
New Jersey Consumers’ League. Hoffman suggested that the deaths signaled a
new occupational disease probably caused by the radioactive materials in the paint.
Dr. Harrison S. Martland, the local county’s chief medical examiner, began an in-
dependent investigation of Hoffman’s hypothesis. He examined two young dial
painters with jaw necrosis and severe anemia, and when they died some months
later, Martland performed the autopsies. He found radioactivity in both bodies.
Martland also discovered radioactivity in the body of a company physicist who
died at about the same time. He studied five other patients with symptoms of jaw
necrosis and anemia, and based on the detection of radon gas (a decay product of
radium) in their breath, diagnosed them as probably having the new disease. The
findings of the three investigations were published in 1925, and all came to the
same conclusion: The ingestion of radioactive materials in the luminous paint was
the probable cause of a new type of occupational poisoning. Although the diagno-
sis and the conclusion were initially resisted by company members and others,
more deaths quickly confirmed that the cause of the disease was poisoning by ei-
ther the inhalation or ingestion of radium compounds. The habit of licking the
brushes was forbidden, and other practices at the dial-painting plants were suffi-
ciently modified such that very few new cases of occupational radium poisoning
occurred after 1930.
Dr. Martland, in his 1925 paper, was correctly able to outline the origin, symp-
toms, and pathology of radium poisoning. Unlike ordinary poisons, such as ar-
senic, which impair or kill an organism through chemical action, radium causes in-
jury through its radioactivity. Most of the radiation emitted is in the form of
energetic alpha particles. In living tissue, alpha particles typically travel about 50
microns, or about 5 to 10 cell diameters, and deposit their energy within the cells
The Human Plutonium Injection Experiments
228
Los Alamos Science Number 23 1995
Young women in the radium-dial
painting industry in the 1920s.
through ionization processes. The resulting damage can result either in direct cel-
lular death (necrosis), or possibly in the generation of genetic mutations that initi-
ate the development of cancer or tumor formation. (Alpha particles are not much
of a biomedical threat if the radium or other radioactive source is outside the body.
Barriers such as our clothing or the outer dead layers of our skin are effective
shields against alpha bombardment.) When radium is ingested, the majority of
material is rapidly excreted. However, since radium is chemically similar to calci-
um, a significant fraction is absorbed into the bloodstream and deposited mainly in
the skeleton. The amount that remains within the body is called the “body bur-
den,” and it is effectively an internal radiation source. The continual alpha-parti-
cle bombardment of the bone-forming and blood-forming cells evidently caused
the severe bone lesions and anemias seen in the dial painters.
In a 1929 paper, Martland observed that the cases of radium poisoning fell into
two distinct groups: those acute cases in which symptoms appeared relatively soon
after the exposure and ended in a rapid death and those cases in which the disease
seemed to follow a much slower course. In the first group, later designated as
cases of acute radium poisoning, the patients exhibited severe necrosis of the jaw
bone, osteomyelitis (inflammation of the bone), crippling lesions of the bone, and
severe anemia and leukopenia (depletion of white blood cells). Patients exhibited
those symptoms anywhere from 1 to 7 years after having worked steadily in the
industry for at least one year, and death came within months of the appearance of
the symptoms. Acute radium poisoning was associated with body burdens (mostly
deposited in the skeleton) of from 10 to 100 micrograms of radium and mesothori-
um. The body burdens of those fatal cases were estimated in rather rough fashion
during post-mortem examinations.
The second group of patients, followed by Martland and other colleagues well into
the 1950s, were identified as suffering from chronic radium poisoning. Those dial
painters appeared to be in good health for about 5 to 15 years after exposure.
During that time, however, they were harboring a silent, slowly progressing bone
necrosis that would lead to rarefactions, holes, and mineralization within the skele-
tal system. The frank clinical symptoms that eventually appeared included the
loosening of the teeth, followed by infection of the jaw bones, pathological bone
fractures that occurred spontaneously or as a result of trauma, that healed very
slowly, and that produced bony deformities, and finally cancers of the bone and
adjacent structures. The cancers appeared anywhere from 12 to 23 years after ex-
posure and were very often fatal. Those that suffered chronic radium poisoning
were found to have residual body burdens of radium between about 0.7 and 23 mi-
crograms, which was much lower, on average, than those associated with acute ra-
dium poisoning.
In the late 1920s the diagnosis of radium poisoning was done by Martland and
others on the basis of the detection of radioactive gases, either radon (radon-222)
or thoron (radon-220), in the breath of patients. Those inert gases are produced in
the skeleton by the decay of radium-226 and radium-228 (mesothorium), respec-
tively (see “Radium and Mesothorium”). From the bone, the gases diffuse into the
bloodstream where they are transported to the lung and exhaled. Martland used
his measurements of radioactive gases as a sort of flag that indicated whether or
not a patient had been internally exposed to radium. He did not use this method
to quantitatively assess the amount of radium inside the patient.
A sensitive quantitative means for measuring the radium body burden was not de-
veloped until Robley D. Evans entered the nascent field of radium toxicology. In
The Human Plutonium Injection Experiments
Number 23 1995 Los Alamos Science
229
1932, Evans was a graduate student in physics under the famous Robert Millikan
at Caltech. His thesis work involved, among other things, the development of
highly sensitive accurate techniques for measuring radium and radon in geophysi-
cal samples. Following the scandal associated with Eben Byers’ death, a repre-
sentative from the Los Angeles County Health Department, inquiring about how
to prevent such occurrences in California, was referred to Evans.
Evans became interested in the uptake, metabolism, and excretion of radium in liv-
ing persons and realized that the key to studying those problems would be the
ability to accurately measure the amount of radium present in the living body.
However, the alpha particles emitted by radium are only weakly penetrating and
cannot be used to measure the radium body burden; they simply do not make it
out of the body. Therefore, Evans’ idea was to measure what became known as
the in vivo body burden by an indirect approach. Instead of measuring the alpha
particles from radium, Evans would make measurements pertaining to three of the
daughter products of radium (see “In Vivo Measurements of Radium”). Evans de-
veloped the technique in 1934 at MIT. It was many times more sensitive than pre-
vious techniques, allowing measurement of body burdens as small as 0.1 micro-
gram. It was also easy to apply and was eventually used by all those involved in
clinical studies of radium poisoning, including, of course, Dr. Martland.
Toward the end of 1940, the United States was gearing up for World War II, and
radium-dial instruments were being produced in large quantities. Evans was again
approached, this time by the U.S. Navy, about the subject of radium standards. (It
is said that a captain in the Navy Medical Corps paid Evans a visit and insisted
that he either provide the Navy with safety standards for radium-dial painters or
face being inducted into the service where he would be forced to produce them.)
Evans became part of nine-member committee formed by the National Bureau of
Standards. Also on that committee were Martland and two other researchers who
had done quantitative work on radium toxicity.
By February 1941, the committee had collected accurate information on the resid-
ual body burdens of 27 persons as well as their state of health. The 20 persons
with radium body burdens in the range of 1.2 to 23 microcuries of activity, or 1.2
to 23 micrograms by weight (by definition, 1 gram of radium has an activity of 1
The Human Plutonium Injection Experiments
230
Los Alamos Science Number 23 1995
Robley Evans in his
laboratory at MIT.
The Human Plutonium Injection Experiments
Number 23 1995 Los Alamos Science
231
In Vivo Measurements of Radium
The technique by which Evans measured the
in vivo radium body burden required
two measurements, one involving the rate at which radon is expired in the breath
and another involving the intensity of gamma rays emitted from the body. Togeth-
er, these two measurements provided all the information that was needed to deter-
mine the amount of radium in a patient’s body.
Radon, the first daughter of radium, is an inert gas. As such, it tends to diffuse
from the skeleton into the bloodstream where it is transported to the lung and ex-
haled. Since one gram of radium is known to produce 2.1
3
10
-6
curies of radon
per second, the rate of radon exhalation can be used to measure the amount of
radium in the body that produces the expired radon. Evans therefore developed a
precise version of Martland’s "breathalyzer test" to make an accurate measure-
ment of the rate at which radon is exhaled. Exhaled air was collected and its
radon content determined in an ionization chamber by measuring the alpha emis-
sions from the radon decay.
That technique only measured a fraction of the body burden because some of the
radon decayed before it could be exhaled. To determine the total body burden, a
second measurement was necessary. Evans had to look farther down the decay
chain of radium, past radon, to two gamma-emitting radioisotopes, lead-214 and
bismuth-214. Because gamma rays are penetrating, they are easily detected out-
side the body. Evans used a “homemade, copper-screen-cathode” Geiger-Müller
counter to measure the intensity of the gamma-ray emissions from the whole body
and then worked backwards to determine the amount of radium required to pro-
duce that intensity. By adding the results of Evans’ two measurements, the total
in vivo radium body burden was deduced.
The photograph above shows the
breathalyzer test used by Evans to
measure the amount of radon being ex-
haled per second. That amount turned
out to be about 50 per cent of the total
radon produced per second and thus
reflected about 50 per cent of the total
radium body burden.
The photograph at left illustrates the
“meter-arc” method for measuring the
fraction of the radium body burden that
could not be determined from the
radon test shown above. The body of
the radium patient was positioned
along an arc so that the gamma-ray de-
tector was about 1 meter from the fore-
head, shoulder, abdomen, knees, and
toes. The detector measured the
gamma rays emanating from the pa-
tient’s body. Those gamma rays were
produced by lead-214 and bismuth-214,
radioiosotopes located below radon in
the radium decay chain. Thus, they
originated from radon that decayed be-
fore reaching the lungs.
curie), showed various degrees of injury, whereas the 7 persons with body burdens
less than 0.5 microcurie showed no ill effects at all. Evans proposed to the com-
mittee that the tolerance level for the radium body burden in radium-dial painters
be set "at such a level that we would feel perfectly comfortable if our own wife or
daughter were the subject." With that thought in mind, the nine members unani-
mously decided to set the tolerance level at a factor of 10 below the level at which
effects were seen, or 0.1 microcurie. On May 2, 1941, the standard for radium-
226 was adopted in the National Bureau of Standards Handbook, seven months
before Pearl Harbor and two months after the then secret discovery of plutonium.
Although the tolerance level of 0.1 microcurie was based on residual body burdens
measured 15 to 20 years after intake, in practice it was used as the maximum per-
missible body burden at the time of intake. The initial body burdens of the sub-
jects in Evans’ study were typically about 10 to 100 times larger than the residual
burdens he measured. Therefore, an additional safety factor of about 10 to 100
was built into the standard. In 1981, 40 years after the standard was set, Evans
reported that no exception to the standard had been found among some 2000 ob-
served radium patients. That is, no symptoms were ever observed for persons
with body burdens of 0.1 microgram or less. That conclusions still holds today.
In 1944, when plutonium began to be produced in kilogram quantities, the experi-
ences with radium forewarned scientists about plutonium’s probable toxic effects
and provided an essential quantitative basis for the creation of a plutonium stan-
dard. Robert Stone, the head of the Plutonium Project Health Division, made the
earliest estimate of a permissible burden for plutonium by scaling the radium stan-
dard on the basis of the radiological differences between radium and plutonium.
Those included the difference in their radioactivities and that of their daughters
and the difference in the average energy of their alpha particles. The result indi-
cated that, gram for gram, plutonium was a factor of 50 less toxic than radium,
and the standard was set to 5 micrograms.
In July 1945, Wright Langham insisted that the 5-microgram standard be reduced
by a factor of 5 on the basis of animal experiments that showed that plutonium was
distributed in the bone differently, and more dangerously, than radium. Thus, the
maximum permissible body burden for plutonium was set at 1 microgram. That
limit was chosen to protect plutonium workers from the disasters that had befallen
the radium-dial painters. As part of the effort to understand how to measure the
plutonium body burden in living persons and to remove them from work if the bur-
den got close to the limit, the human plutonium-injection experiments were carried
out. (The story of those experiments is told in “The Human Plutonium Injection
Experiments.”)
Following those experiments, discussions at the Chalk River Conferences in On-
tario, Canada, (1949 to 1953) led to further reductions in the plutonium standard
to 0.65 micrograms, or 40 nanocuries, for a maximum permissible body burden.
Since then, no further changes have been made, in part because no ill effects from
plutonium have been observed in any exposed individual with the exception of one
person—an individual with a body burden around the permissible level who died
of a rare bone cancer that possibly was caused by plutonium.
As stated in the introduction, there is a dirth of information about the risks of plu-
tonium. Consequently, the risks for plutonium-induced cancer of the bone, liver,
and lung are based on the human data gathered for radium, radon, and thorium, re-
spectively. The data gathered for radium-induced cancers (see Figure 2) are very
The Human Plutonium Injection Experiments
232
Los Alamos Science Number 23 1995
interesting in that they appear to
have a threshold—no bone cancers
exist below a cumulative skeletal
dose of 1000 rad, or 20,000 rem,
which would be the 50-year dose
from a body burden of about 2 mi-
crocuries per kilogram of body
weight. This is the best data avail-
able on the induction of cancer from
a bone-seeking alpha-emitter, and so
it is natural to suspect that similar
threshold-like behavior may exist for
plutonium. Fortunately for those
who work with it, the truth of that
conjecture may never be determined.
Further Readings
Harrison S. Martland, M.D. 1929. Occupational poisoning in manufacture of luminous watch dials:
general review of hazard caused by ingestion of luminous paint, with especial reference to the New Jer-
sey cases. Journal of the American Medical Association 92: 466-473, 552-559.
Robley D Evans. 1943. Protection of radium dial workers and radiologists from injury by radium.
The Journal of Industrial Hygiene and Toxicology 25, no. 7: 253-274.
Joseph C. Aub, Robeley D. Evans, Louis H. Hempelmann, and Harrison S. Martland. 1952. The late
effects of internally-deposited radioactive materials in man. Reprinted in Medicine 31, no. 3: 221-329.
Robley D. Evans. 1962. Remarks on the maximum permissible deposition of plutonium in man, and
the safety factors in the pivot point radiation protection guide of O.1
µ
C of radium in man. Health
Physics 8: 751-752.
Robley D. Evans. 1981. Inception of standards for internal emitters, radon, and radium. Health
Physics 41, no. 3: 437-448.
Richard F. Mould. 1993. A Century of X-rays and Radioactivity in Medicine with Emphasis on Photo-
graphic Records of the Early Years. Bristol and Philadelphia: Institute of Physics Publishing.
Roger M. Macklis. 1993. The great radium scandal. Scientific American, August 1993.
William A. Mills. 1994. Estimates of human cancer risks associated with internally deposited radionu-
clides. In Internal Radiation Dosimetry: Health Physics Society 1994 Summer School, edited by Otto
G. Raabe. Madison, Wisconsin: Medical Physics Publishing.
Susan Quinn. 1995. Marie Curie: A Life. Simon & Schuster.
The Human Plutonium Injection Experiments
Number 23 1995 Los Alamos Science
233
Figure 2. Radium-induced
Cancers
This plot, as originally presented in a
1974 article by Robley Evans, shows
radiation dose versus incidence of radi-
ation-induced bone and head carcino-
mas in over 600 radium cases studied
at MIT. The plot suggests a threshold
of 1000 rad, or 20,000 rem, to the skele-
ton for the induction of bone and head
cancers. Because the latency period
seems to increase with decreasing
dose, Evans suggested that this result
be interpreted as a “practical thresh-
old”—at lower doses the latency period
might be longer than the lifetime of
the individual so that malignancies
never become manifest. Evans’ idea of
a practical threshold is still considered
viable, although two cases of bone
cancer with doses below 1000 rad have
appeared in a cohort of 4000 individu-
als exposed to radium (see “Radiation
and Risk,” pages 100-101).
0
1
10
100
1000
Cumulative dose (rad)
10000
100000
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
Cumulative tumor incidence (per cent)
Document Outline - The Manhattan Project and Its Need for Plutonium
- Worries About the Health Hazards of Plutonium
- Working With Plutonium
- Plutonium Animal Studies
- Planning for the Human Injection Studies
- The First Human Experiments with Plutonium
- Further Human Plutonium Injection Experiments
- Results of the Injection Experiments
- Changes in the Maximum Permissible Body Burden
- Additional Data from the Plutonium Patients
- A Recent Analysis of the Excretion Data
- Implications of the Plutonium Injection Studies
- Acknowledgements
- Further Reading
- Sidebars
- The Making of Plutonium-239
- Manhattan Pr oject Sites In volv ed with Human Plutonium Injection Experiments
- The Medical Researchers
- A Swallow of Plutonium
- Detection of Internal Plutonium
- Polonium Human-Injection Experiments
- A Cross-Check of Analytical Procedures
- Louis H. Hempelmann—1914-1993
- Estimating Effects of the Injection Dose
- Wright Haskell Langham—1911-1972
- Consent in the Human Plutonium Injection Experiments
- A Computer Analysis of Plutonium Excretion
- Radium–the Benchmark for Internal Alpha Emitters
- Radium and Mesothorium
- In Vivo Measurements of Radium
- Further Readings
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