Lutheran movement in england during the reigns of henry VIII. And edward VI

CHAPTER IV. THE ENGLISH COMMISSION TO WITTENBERG.

Preliminary Negotiations. Melanchthon’s letter to Henry VIII. Renewed Negotiations, and Correspondence. Melanchthon invited to England. The Augsburg Confession as a Basis of Union. The Third Series of Negotiations. Sketches of Fox and Heath. The Oration of Fox. The Thirteen Articles of 1535. Henry entangled in his own toils. The Discussions at Wittenberg. Diplomacy vs. Faith. The Augsburg Confession under Debate. The Ambassadors won. The Repetitio. Chief difficulty, with the articles on “Abuses.” Henry demands an Amendment. The Convention at Frankfort. The Proposed Embassy to England.

We have thus far noticed how the truly evangelical element connected with the English Reformation was working at those great centers of religious thought and life, the two great English universities, notwithstanding all the opposition which the power of the government could interpose, until finally political motives caused Henry’s break with the Pope, and induced him to try to turn to his own service, and to control and lead the very movement against which he had been previously arrayed. Unchanged in principle, and guided solely by secular considerations, he sought to be the head of Protestantism, not only in his own land, but on the Continent, and to direct its course in a channel far different from that which it first took, when, with irrepressible force, the yearning of the heart for the assurance of forgiveness of sins burst through the bonds which had been interposed between the sin-burdened soul and its God.

In accordance with this plan of Henry to become master of the Lutheran Smalcald League, Dr. Robert Barnes, was on March 11th, 1535, once more in Wittenberg. Melanchthon writes on [[@Page:56]]that date to his friend Camerarius, and inserts several Greek sentences to the effect that “a stranger has come to us, sent from Britain, treating only of the second marriage of the king; but, as he says, the king has no concern for the affairs of the Church,” and then he adds in Latin: “There is this advantage about it, that no cruelty is now exercised against those of the purer doctrine.”⁶⁹ Two days later Melanchthon, at the suggestion of Dr. Barnes, wrote Henry a letter⁷⁰ whose terms of extravagant praise of the king recall the sagacious diplomat rather than the sober and discriminating theologian. “Your Royal Majesty ought justly to be loved by all good men on account of your eminent moderation and justice.” His reign is praised as “the golden age” of Britain. Then after having completely fulfilled in many words of flattery, the rule of the great Latin writer on Oratory, first to make the hearer well-disposed, he introduces the suggestion, to which Archbishop Laurence in his Bampton Lectures on The Thirty-nine Articles,⁷¹ ascribes the origin of the formularies of faith which were promulgated during the reign of Henry. “I have no doubt,” he writes, “that the controversies concerning religion would be mitigated if your Royal Majesty were to use your authority both to bend other kings to moderation and to deliberate with learned men concerning the kind of doctrine. For it is in no way a doubtful matter that some abuses which are not to be dissembled, have insinuated themselves into the church, and that kings are not taking pains to have a simple and sure form of doctrine issued”; and then he adds that “care ought to be taken that cruelty be not inflicted upon good men.” In August, Melanchthon dedicates to Henry the edition of his Loci of 1535, not as a patron, but as a censor, whom in the most courtly language he asks to study and criticise the book. The [[@Page:57]]whole document is a most earnest plea for attention above all things to reformation in doctrine. “It is manifest,” he writes, “that some chief articles of Christian doctrine have lain for a long time enveloped in densest darkness. When the works of some learned and good men began to be produced from this, at once unusual severity, unworthy of the lenity which should characterize the Church, began to be exercised. Not only are good and learned men put to death, and abuses confirmed, but zeal for Christian doctrine is altogether extinguished.”—”Good and wise princes should seek for suitable remedies. Why is it that they are under any obligations to preserve the Church for posterity? This Church will indeed be rent asunder in infinite ways, unless some plan be adopted for the propagation to posterity, of a godly and sure form of doctrine.” “I have thought it of the highest importance to present, this document to you, the most learned of all kings, that from it, rather than from the calumnies of others, your Majesty may form a judgment concerning me, and the entire kind of doctrine, with which I am employed.”⁷² Diplomatic as the methods of Melanchthon are, yet back of them we find the earnest effort to win the king and his kingdom over to the truth of the Gospel. His heart is set upon the propagation of the pure doctrine of God’s Word, and not upon any scheme of ecclesiastical polity, or any other external relations. The book was entrusted to Alexander Alesius, a Scotchman, to carry, together with a letter to Cranmer, to England.

About the middle of September, while the plague was raging at Wittenberg, Dr. Barnes returned with a three-fold proposition:

1. Would an embassy or ambassador be received, who would be sent for the purpose of conferring calmly with Dr. Luther and the others doctors concerning certain articles?

2. Would Melanchthon be allowed to visit England, in order to confer with the King?

3. The King would not be averse to connection with the Smalcald [[@Page:58]]League, provided a place were accorded him proportioned to his rank, and the articles of faith which the League was pledged to defend, were transmitted to him.

Even Luther becomes sanguine as to the result, and unites with Jonas, Cruciger and Bugenhagen in a most urgent petition that the Elector give Dr Barnes an audience. “Who knows,” they write, “what God will work? His wisdom is higher, and his will better than ours.”⁷³

The Elector’s answer to Dr. Barnes, of September 21st, is important:

1. The doctors of the University shall be directed to meet the proposed legate, attentively hear him, and confer with him in the spirit of love.

2. The question concerning Melanchthon’s leave of absence must be deferred until after the return of the other professors to Wittenberg.

3. The terms of the admission of the King of England into the League cannot be decided by the Elector, since he can act only for himself; and has no authority to speak for his colleagues. But one thing is sure. If the King and the Elector are to be members of the League at the same time, the former must be prepared to cordially accept and subscribe the Augsburg Confession. “We will never reject the correct and pure doctrine of the Gospel, useful to the Church, which both our Most Illustrious Fathers and we, with the other allies, confessed at the Diet of Augsburg before the Most Invincible Emperor, our Most Clement Lord, and the other princes and the States of the Roman Empire.”⁷⁴

On leaving, Dr. Barnes took with him a letter written for the Elector by Melanchthon, September 26th, professing much affection for the king, not only because of the unbroken friendship between the rulers of Saxony and the Kings of England, but chiefly “since we have learned that your Serene Highness is [[@Page:59]]possessed of a great desire to reform the doctrine of religion. For this is a care especially worthy the highest kings; nor can they who govern states, render God any service more grateful. Nor can it be dissembled that many faults have for many generations insinuated themselves into the Church, through the negligence and cupidity of the Roman pontiffs, and that these have need to be corrected. If your Serene Majesty, therefore, will devote his zeal to reforming the doctrine and correcting ecclesiastical abuses, he will in the first place make a most pleasing sacrifice to God, and, in the second, will deserve well from the whole Church, and all posterity.”⁷⁵

A few days later (October 1st), Henry, using his new title of “Supreme Head on Earth of the English Church,” acknowledges Melanchthon’s courtesy in the dedication of his Loci, by a brief note, assuring him of the gratification it had afforded, complimenting the author’s learning, but affording no trace of any serious attention paid to the treatment of doctrine.⁷⁶ The letter was accompanied by a present of two hundred crowns, and the promise that Crumwell would communicate with him further. Burnet regards Melanchthon’s invitation to England at this time, simply as a plan which Henry had adopted to counteract the effect upon Melanchthon and the Elector, of the similar invitation which had been received from the French king.

The King of England had thus far been made to plainly understand that, while the Lutheran princes and theologians were kindly disposed to the English people, and deeply interested in their welfare, questions of faith and the reformation in doctrine overshadowed all others, and no union could be even for a moment entertained that had not as its basis the unreserved acceptance of the Confessional basis laid at Augsburg. This will still further appear in what is to follow.

Early in November 1535, there were further conferences with Barnes and other English legates.⁷⁷ Melanchthon, who so often [[@Page:60]]was called into service to prepare State papers in which religious questions were involved, wrote for the Elector on November 17th, a letter which accepted the professed earnestness of the king, in regard to a religious reform as though it were serious, and informed him that so far as he and his associates were concerned their purpose is: “In this cause, nothing else but that the glory of Christ may be proclaimed, and godly and sound doctrine, harmonizing with the Holy Scriptures be restored to the whole world. . . . Let not the King of England have the least doubt but that the confederated princes and states are of such a mind, that since, by God’s blessing, they have learned to know the truth of the gospel, so also they will use all care and diligence, throughout all life in defending this holy and godly doctrine, and, by God’s help, will never depart from the truth which they have learned. It is, indeed, very agreeable for the princes and confederated states to learn that the King also desires to aid the pure doctrine; and they pray that he may continue in this opinion.” Then, after stating how necessary harmony among the members of the League on this subject, is, he continues: “Nor do those embraced in this confederation have among them any dissent in doctrine or opinions with respect to faith, and they hope by God’s aid to persevere and be harmonious in that doctrine which they confessed at the Diet of Augsburg before the Emperor and the entire Roman Empire.”

They close by expressing their great gratification that the King of England is of such a mind as to desire to agree with them in the matter of Evangelical religion and doctrine, being ready to declare, on every possible occasion his favor in, and zeal for, this most holy cause, as becomes a King of Christian and evangelical doctrine, and to afford with the greatest diligence every means for advancing the cause of the Gospel.”

Two more influential English commissioners now appeared upon the scene, representing more directly Henry than did Dr. Barnes in whom, the King had thus far used an agent, already committed to Lutheranism, and serviceable chiefly because it was [[@Page:61]]supposed that he would most likely be heard by the Reformers. Among the English clergy of that period, the names of Edward Fox and Nicholas Heath, are of the very first rank.

Fox was unquestionably one of the most brilliant men of his day. A graduate of Eton and Cambridge, his very first sermon had so captivated the King that he at once became his chaplain. He had been the King’s Almoner, as well as Secretary of State. His gifts shone especially in the pulpit, where “his exposition was so thorough and clear, that the inference might be drawn that all his time was occupied with Biblical studies; his division was so analytical, as to give the impression that his attention had been devoted chiefly to Logic; while his development was as rich in thought, as though he had laid all the fathers and school-men under contribution.”⁷⁸

Cooper, in his Athenae Cantabrigienses, says, that he was called “the wonder of the University and darling of the court, that “he had a vast capacity for business and was an able and suitable negotiator,” and that his skill as a diplomatist expressed itself in several proverbs that have become current phrases with posterity, as “The surest way to peace is a constant preparedness for war;” “Two things support a government; Gold to reward its friends, and iron to keep down its enemies;” “Time and I, will challenge any in the world,” etc. He had been sent by Wolsey to Rome in 1518 to negotiate with the Pope concerning the proposed divorce. He had been the prominent member of an embassy to France. He was largely instrumental in discovering Cranmer, and starting the series of events by which the latter became Primate of the English Church. He had fought the battle of Cambridge where after a long resistance, the nullity of the first marriage was affirmed. Although greatly distrusted by the Elector and Melanchthon, this visit to Germany seems to have decided his theological position, as after his return to England, he becomes the leading representative of Lutheran opinion [[@Page:62]]in the negotiations that follow, and in the preparation of Henry’s first formulary; even though he be open to the charge of inconsistency. Unfortunately his career was but a brief one, as he died in 1538.

The third of the envoys especially fascinated Melanchthon, who in his private letters cannot speak in sufficiently high terms of his scholarship and character. Nicholas Heath, (born about 1501), educated at Oxford and Cambridge, had been chaplain to Wolsey, and at the time when sent to Germany, was Heury VIII’s own chaplain. After some wavering, in 1548 he identified himself with the Roman Catholic side; in 1555 became Archbishop of York, and afterwards Lord High Chancellor of England. It was Heath who, under the reign of Mary, was to issue the writ for the execution of Cranmer, No less than two hundred and seventeen persons were to be put to death for Evangelical convictions when he would hold the seal. The executor of Queen Mary, he was made a member of the Privy Council at the beginning of the reign of Elizabeth; but was soon committed to the tower and excommunicated. After his release he lived in retirement until his death in 1579.

Such were the ambassadors with whom the Lutheran theologians were to treat. At first Luther and Melanchthon were directed to meet them at Jena, but Wittenberg was finally designated as the place of conference. Meanwhile, however, the convention of the League was held at Smalcald. The English commission was present, and on the 24th of December, Fox, as their spokesman, delivered an oration. Notes of it were taken by Spalatin. He claimed that he and his associates were present, not on behalf of a human cause, but for the sake of the Word of God and truth. He showed with what incredible zeal and love in religious matters, their sovereign had been actuated, and how anxious he was to co-operate with the other princes in propagating the pure knowledge of God. The King, he says, does not heed the slanders which have been published concerning the members of the League, but esteems them as evangelical men, [[@Page:63]]who would neither design, nor commit anything unworthy of themselves as confessors the Gospel. The King acknowledges the abuses in the Church of England, and is endeavoring to reform them. The cause and work of English Christians is the same as that of their brethren in Germany. They should aim at perfect harmony, and, as its basis, should endeavor to come to an understanding touching matters of Christian doctrine. Concert of action should also be determined, if possible, concerning the proposed Council. Peace and harmony of Christian doctrine constitute, however, the very first thing, which, above all others, is to be settled.⁷⁹ Certainly a most admirable speech!

On the next day, Christmas, Melanchthon prepared a paper for the Princes which, after being amended, was adopted, and subscribed both by the Elector and Landgrave, and the English ambassadors, as “The Thirteen Articles of 1535.”

As the translation, given in Strype’s Memorials of the Reformation,⁸⁰ is defective, we translate anew from the Corpus Reformatorum:⁸¹

“I. That the Most Serene King promote the Gospel of Christ, and the pure doctrine of faith according to the mode in which the Princes and confederated States confessed it in the diet of Augsburg, and defended it according to the published Apology, unless perhaps some things meanwhile justly seem to require change or correction from the Word of God by the common consent of the Most Serene King, and the princes themselves.

II. Also, That the Most Serene King, together with the Princes and States confederated, defend and maintain the doctrine of the gospel mentioned, and ceremonies harmonizing with the gospel in a future general council.

III. That neither the Most Serene King, without the express consent of the confederated princes and states mentioned, nor the confederated princes and states mentioned, without the [[@Page:64]]express consent of the Most Serene King mentioned, consent or assent to any call for a general council, which the Pope of Rome, present or future, or any one else, whatever be the pretence of authority, now makes or shall make, nor agree to any place of a future Council, or to the Council itself, but that all these things be conducted and done with the advice and consent of the King and princes, provided, nevertheless, that if certainly, and by just arguments and reasons, it appear that such a Christian, free and general council have been called, as the confederates demand in their answer to Peter Paulus Vergerius, the ambassador of the Pope of Rome, such council is not to be refused.

IV. Also, if it should happen that, without the consent of the Most Serene King and the confederated states, concerning the place of the council, or the calling of the council, and yet, the Pope of Rome and the other princes, joined with him in this matter should determine to proceed to the convening of the council or rather caucus (conciliabuli), and that, too, in a place upon which the aforesaid Most Serene King, princes and states have not agreed, that then, and in that case, the aforesaid Most Serene King, as well as the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes and States confederate shall first strive with all their power, that such calling be hindered and brought to nought, and reach no result.

V. Secondly that they will make public and formal protests, and, likewise, cause them to be made by their clergy, by which they will both prove the purity of their faith, and that they dissent altogether from such convocation, nor, if such council actually follow, will they be bound by the decrees or constitutions of that council, nor, in the future, will they, in any way, obey the same.

VI. Besides, that they never will obey or permit their subjects to obey any decrees, mandates or sentences, bulls, letters or briefs, from any council thus convoked and held, or which proceed in the name of the Bishop of Rome himself or any other power, but that they will account and declare all such writings, decrees, bulls and briefs null and void, and, to remove all scandal, [[@Page:65]]will cause such to be thus declared to the people by their bishops and preachers.

VII. Also, that as the Most Serene King is, by the grace of God, united, both in Christian doctrine and in its confession with the confederated princes and states, so also is he deemed worthy, on honorable conditions, to be associated with their league in such manner that his Most Serene Majesty obtain the name and place of Defender and Protector of said league.

VIII. Also, that neither the aforesaid Most Serene King, nor the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes or States confederated, ever will recognize, maintain or defend that the primacy or monarch be held to-day or ever hereafter de jure aivino. Nor will they ever agree or concede that it is expedient for the Christian State that the bishop of Rome be over all the rest, or hereafter exercise, in any way, any jurisdiction whatever in the realms or dominions of the aforesaid Kings and Princes.

IX. Also, if it should so happen, that war or any other contention, whether on account of religion, or even without such cause, for any other cause or matter whatsoever, should be excited or carried on by any prince, state or people, against the aforesaid Most Serene King, his realms, dominions or subjects, or, also, against the aforesaid Most Illustrious Princes or States confederated, that neither of the parties mentioned bring aid, or supplies against the other party, nor by advice or favor, directly or indirectly, publicly or privately, assist prince or people, thus invading and waging war.

X. Also that the Most Serene King see fit, for the defence of the league and of the cause of religion, to contribute and deposit with these most illustrious princes, sureties being afforded, as is added below, the sum of 100,000 crowns; the half of which money, it shall be lawful for the confederates to use, whenever there shall be need, for the purpose of defence. The other half, the confederates shall take of such money, as they themselves have contributed and deposited to that sum. [[@Page:66]]

XI. That if there be need of a longer defence because of the continuation of war, or the invasion of enemies, in such event, since princes and confederates are under obligation not only for a further contribution of money, but also for mutual defence with their bodies and all their resources and property, the Most Serene King would not refuse, in urgent necessity, to contribute even more, viz. a second 100,000 crowns. This money, nevertheless, the confederates may use to the amount of one half, with their own. And should it so happen, that the war should end earlier, then what is left should be faithfully kept, and be mentioned to the Most Serene King at the conclusion of the confederation.

XII. That if the King would have it so done, the Princes promise that they will pledge with sufficient sureties, not only that they will not convert such money to another use than for the defence of the league and the cause of religion together with their own money, which they contribute in such confederation, but also that they will faithfully pay and restore to the same Serene Majesty, whatever sum either, be not needed, or that remains after the defence, in case it shall not have been devoted to that use.

XIV. Also, since the Most Revered Legates of the Most Serene King are to remain for a time in Germany, and are to confer with men learned in sacred literature on certain articles, the princes ask that they would as soon as possible inquire and learn the mind and opinion of the Most Serene King, concerning the conditions presented in the League, and, that when they have been informed thereon, they would signify it to us, the Elector of Saxony, and the Landgrave of Hesse. When this is done, the Princes will immediately send legates in their own name and that of the confederated States, to the Most Serene King, and among them one of eminent learning, not only to diligently confer with His Most Serene Royal Majesty on the articles of Christian doctrine, and to deliberate faithfully concerning changing, establishing and ordaining other ceremonies in the Church, but also [[@Page:67]]to agree and conclude with His Most Serene Majesty concerning all the articles whereof we have spoken.”

Edward Herefordens,

Nicolaus Heyth,

Antonius Barns,

John Frederick, Elector. Philip, L. of Hesse.”⁸²

The English King was certainly placed in an embarassing position, as men who dissemble, so often are. His ambassadors’ word had been received in good faith, that he was anxious chiefly about a reform of doctrine, and wished the aid of Lutheran theologians; and accordingly, measures to which his representatives feel themselves constrained to assent, were taken to aid him in the important work. Yet a letter of Crumwell at this time, pre served in Burnet,⁸³ declares: “The King, knowing himself to be the learnedest prince in Europe, thought it became not him to submit to them, but them to submit to him.” The matter however, has assumed the shape that Fox and Heath, with Barnes, are to spend several months in theological conferences at Wittenberg, studying the Augsburg Confession and Apology, under the instructions of Melanchthon, and that then if they can accept such basis, some competent Lutheran doctor is to go to England to help them to complete the work. So scheme was met by scheme, the children of light being for once as wise as the children of this generation; for the English historian is perfectly justified in his inference, that the coolness of the Elector came from the impression, that “the King had only a political design in all this negotiation, intending to bring them into a dependence on himself, without any sincere intentions with relation to religion.”⁸⁴ However, this may be, the course of our princes and theologians in this matter was perfectly clear and consistent. It was solely on questions of religion that they had been forced into a seeming opposition to the Emperor. On these and these [[@Page:68]]only, they were ready to stand or fall. They were unwilling to be embarassed by any alliances that were based on any other grounds. Every convert to these principles, even though the Pope himself, they were ready to welcome to the League; every one, who sought the friendship of the League from other motives, whether he were the King of France, or the King of England, might as well understand from the beginning that he could not enter. These religious principles on which their League was founded, they had clearly defined already at Augsburg. Every applicant, therefore, was simply asked to read the platform there presented in the Confession and Apology; and his future relation to the League must be decided by his willingness or unwillingness to subscribe what was there set forth. Nor must any opportunity of winning over to the truth those who had come to them from what were probably other reasons than a regard to God’s honor, be neglected. They would accept these ambassadors on their professions, however much they distrusted them, and devote on the part of the theologians, months of time and labor, and on the part of the Elector, the expense of the entertainment of royal commissioners in a style becoming their rank, even though he found it a heavy burden.

After the adjournment of the Smalcald League, the English ambassadors accordingly repaired to Wittenberg. The beginning of the conference there was delayed until the close of January, partially because of the absence of Melanchthon on a tour of investigation and counsel concerning the Anabaptists. Antonius Musa wrote from Jena on the day after Melanchthon’s departure for Wittenberg that “he is to discuss at Wittenberg the subject of Private Mass. For the King of England has sent a bishop with several learned men to present their argument, and to endeavor to show that Private Mass ought to be retained. The King of England has become a Lutheran to this extent, viz., that since the Pope would not approve his divorce, he has forbidden all men in his realm at the peril of their lives to regard the Pope as Supreme Head of the church, but commanded them to regard [[@Page:69]]himself instead. All other papistical affairs, monasteries, masses, indulgences, prayers for the dead, etc., they not only retain in England, but even obstinately defend. On this account, ambassadors have been sent to fortify and defend masses in a public disputation at Wittenberg.”⁸⁵ Even after Melanchthon’s return however, on January 15th, there was a reluctance of the ambassadors to proceed to serious work. On January 21st, they assured Melanchthon that they were ready to begin the discussion “of each article of doctrine in order,”⁸⁶ yet it is not for weeks that they are disposed to treat on any other subject than the legitimacy of the king’s divorce. “They are excessively fond of quibbling,” Melanchthon writes. Luther’s letters show how greatly he was annoyed by their course. First, he speaks playfully of the great importance that must be attached to the opinion of himself and his associates, in that while eleven universities have already given their decisions, it seems that all the world will be lost, “unless we poor beggars, the Wittenberg theologians, be heard.”⁸⁷ He is determined, however, not to recede from his former opinion that the first marriage was legitimate, but “in other respects I will show myself not unfriendly towards them, in order that they may not think that we Germans are stone or wood.” Melanchthon testifies at first that “Luther lovingly embraces them, and is even delighted by their courtesy. But he becomes vexed that in three days they do not finish the entire matter, stating that in four weeks he had completed much more important business than that which occupies them twelve years; ⁸⁸ and is indignant at the expense occasioned the elector by their entertainment.⁸⁹ Melanchthon grew weary of waiting for the discussion on matters of doctrine, and after two weeks at Wittenberg returns to Jena to continue his conflict with the Anabaptists. He [[@Page:70]]wrote to his friends that nothing at all has been under consideration but the divorce.⁹⁰ Heath followed Melanchthon to Jena. The latter was much gratified by the visit; and on February 10th, returned to Wittenberg. The whole plan of the English ambassadors was probably arranged for the purpose of gaining time, so as to receive instructions from England. They must have soon perceived that any attempt to have the Lutheran theologians justify the divorce was useless. We can scarcely conceive that they could have had in thought a bargain by which, if the divorce were endorsed by the Lutherans, every confessional requirement would then be at once met by the Anglicans, and the Augsburg Confession and Apology be received for the English Church. It would be a more charitable interpretation to regard the ambassadors as sympathizing more or less with the reform in doctrine, and hoping to win over their sovereign to the faith which they recognize as truth, by obtaining from the Wittenberg theologians a concession which would have been sure to have greatly gratified him. Had the divorce been endorsed, it is probable that the English Church would have been pledged to the Augsburg Confession and the Apology!

However this may have been, the critical examination of the Augsburg Confession article by article, and the earnest discussion of the points of divergence began at length shortly after Melanchthon’s second return, and continued throughout the entire month of March. Strype is altogether in error, when he states: “The ambassadors returned home in January, excepting Fox, who, it seems, stayed behind,”⁹¹ as both Melanchthon’s and Luther’s letters of that period will at once show. Melanchthon again and again speaks of his discussions with them, and especially names Heath; and at the very close of the month (March 30th,) writes: Sic me Angli exercent, vix ut respirare liceat.⁹²

On the 28th, of that month, Luther sent to the Elector a translation of the articles on which they had been able to agree,²⁴ [[@Page:71]]and stated that the English ambassadors before proceeding further, had referred the last four articles to the king, since if any serious modification of them were required, further conference was useless. Two days later, Melanchthon wrote that “the contention between them had not been light, but, nevertheless, there was an agreement concerning most things.”⁹³ Seckendorf⁹⁴ gives more ample details: “They made an examination of all the articles of the Augsburg Confession, and the opinions of Luther and his colleagues seem to have been given on all things … There is extant a Repetition and Exegesis of the Augsburg Confession, elaborated by the Wittenbergers, and received and carried home by the Anglican legates. … In addition to the Repetition⁹⁵ of the Augsburg Confession, the Wittenberg theologians elaborated the most troublesome articles into special dissertations.” Among other stipulations upon which they agreed was not only the denial of the power of the Pope by divine law, but also the promise that neither side would under any consideration maintain any pre eminence of the bishop of Rome over other bishops, as useful or expedient.⁹⁶ Although Fox affirmed that there had been an abrogation in England of godless pontifical abuses and especially of indulgences, Melanchthon in one of the dissertations referred to, expressed his astonishment that in the English decree no reformation of the abuses of the Mass was proposed. For on reading Henry’s decree, the Wittenberg theologians saw at a glance that only the less important had been touched upon, while the chief abuses had all been retained.⁹⁷ Melanchthon writes on the margin the very significant Greek words ouden hygies, “nothing sound.” [[@Page:72]]

During these discussions, Henry’s answer to the “Articles of 1535” was received, and his legates communicated its purport,⁹⁸ stating among other things that harmony was unattainable, unless “something first, in your Confession and Apology be modified by private conferences and friendly discussions between his and your learned men,” and that his Majesty asks that “a man of eminent learning be sent to him, to confer diligently on the articles of Christian doctrine, and changing, establishing and ordaining other ceremonies in the Church.”

April 24th, the Protestant princes met at Frankfort, and early in the month, the English ambassadors made preparations for attendance there. Because of his distrust of the bishop of Hereford, whom he evidently thinks well named Fox, the elector refuses a farewell audience.⁹⁹ He writes however, April 22d,¹⁰⁰ that if the King would propagate in his kingdom “the pure doctrine of the Christian religion according to the Confession and Apology” and adopt ceremonies in accordance with the pure doctrine of the Gospel, he would use every effort that the king should receive the title of “Defender of the Evangelical Faith.” But that “if the King hesitated about admitting into his kingdom the pure doctrine of the Gospel according to the Confession and Apology” according to the articles recently drawn up at Wittenberg; the Elector could not imagine what use it would be, either for the King or his allies to make a league or exchange ambassadors. In a letter to Henry of the same date, he assures him of his good will and begs him to undertake the thorough reformation of the English Church. Seckendorf¹⁰¹ states that the Elector endeavored besides to have an embassy appointed to visit England, composed of George, Prince of Anhalt, Melanchthon and Vice-chancellor Francis Burkhard. The Landgrave proposed sending the theologians Bucer and Schnepf or Brentz, and the civilians, Count Solm and Jacob Sturm. There was some discussion [[@Page:73]]among the princes as to the terms to be proposed by this embassy, but they were finally reduced, first to the acceptance of the Augsburg Confession, unless amended from the Word of God, and, secondly, its defence in the coming Council; and, if the King did not approve of the articles, to treat concerning mutual assistance. But as most of the princes and cities were averse to any union with the King of England, the attempt was vain; while new events in England suddenly made a very material change in the situation. [[@Page:74]]