152 See Augsburg Confession, [[Art. III: 3 >> BookOfConcord:AC:I:3, 3]].
153 See Augsburg Confession, [[Art. III: 3 >> BookOfConcord:AC:I:3, 3]].
154 Erlangen Ed. xv: 318.
155 The argument is summarized by Hardwick (History of the Christian Church during the Reformation): “They contended that the fabric of the Papal monarchy was altogether human; that its growth was traceable partly to the favor and indulgence of the Roman emperors, and partly to ambitious artifices of the popes themselves; that just as men originally made and sanctioned it, so might they, if occasion should arise, withdraw from it their confidence, and thus reoccupy the ground on which all Christians must have stood anterior to the Middle Ages.”
156 Corpus Reformatorum III: 314.
157Hardwick’s Articles, p. 31.
158 Strype’s Memorials of Cranmer, p. 50.
159 The comparison may be made in the library of the Lutheran Theological Seminary at Mt. Airy, Philadelphia.
160History of the English Bible, p. 213.
161 “His Old Testament is not taken at all from the original Hebrew, either professedly or in fact, but is only a secondary translation, based chiefly on the Swiss-German, or Zürich Bible.” Eadie, 1: 285. “In every instance, where he forsakes Tyndale, he is led by Luther and the Zürich Bible,” Ib. p. 294.
162 Westcott, pp. 216, sq.
163 Eadie, The English Bible, I: 302.
164 Reference may be made to the interesting tables, tracing the origin of Coverdale’s entire list by Prof. Mitchell in The Academy for June 28, 1884; and in Herford’s Literary Relations of Germany and England in the XVI. Century (Cambridge 1886) pp. 17 sqq. The summary of the latter is: From the Latin 6; from Luther, 18; Creutziger, I; Speratus, 2; Hegenwalt, 1; Agricola 1; Mœbanius, 1; Sachs, 1; Spengler, 1; Dachstein, 1; Greiser, 1; Decius, 2; Anonymous, 5.
165 “Of the Lutheran hymnology of 1524-31, Coverdale’s ‘Goostly Songs’ is a fair selection… Almost devoid of lyric faculty, his verse limps laboriously after the stirring measures of Luther… He has not the good translator’s sensitiveness and elasticity of style. Yet his very sincerity and simplicity often do the work of refined taste.” Herford, pp. 11, 15.
166 II: 491.
167British Reformers, (Philada.), p. 9; Salig, II: 491.
168Handbook of English Versions, p. 176.
169Corpus Reformatorum, III: 89.
170 Ib. 104.
171 Seckendorf, III: 113.
172 The translator is compelled here to be an interpreter: “De meis rebus adhuc quidem sunt induciae.” Ib. p. 192.
173 Seckendorf, III: 180.
174 De Wette’s Luther’s Briefen, V: 110 sq.
175 Seckendorf, III: 180.
176 Dixon’s History of the Church of England, Vol. II: p 3.
177 Hardwick’s History of Articles, p. 70.
178Corpus Reformatorum, III: 587.
179 Burnet, Record Book III: xlviii.
180 Piper’s “Die Zeugen der Wahrheit” Vol. III: p. 445.
181Strype’s Memorials, VI: 139.
182 Erlangen Ed. Luther’s Works, Vol. 62, p. 453.
183 Vol. III: p. 180.
184 Jenkyn’s Cranmer, I: xxv.
185 “It is an unjust scandal of our adversaries, and a gross error in ourselves, to compute the nativity of our religion from Henry the Eighth; who, though he rejected the Pope, refused not the faith of Rome.”—Sir Thomas Browne’s Religio Medici, § 5.
186 This variation from the Aug. Conf. is derived from the Apology ([[78: 15 >> BookOfConcord:AP:2, 15]]): “The ancient definition, understood aright, expresses the same thing when it says: ‘Original sin is the absence of original righteousness.’”
187Miscellanea Groningina, II: 606.
188Corpus Reformatorum, III: 796; De Wette’s Luther’s Briefen, V: 213.
201 De Wette’s Luther’s Briefen, V: 213 sqq.; C. R. Ill: 796 sqq.; Erl. Ed. Luther’s Works, LV: 243 sqq.
202Corpus Reformatorum III: 806.
203Corpus Reformatorum III: 818.
204 Luther’s Works, XIX: 72.
205 III: p. 228.
206 I: 545 sqq.
207Corpus Reformatorum, III: 129.
208 Hardwick’s Reformation, p. 206.
209Corpus Reformatorum, III: 1007.
210 Ib. pp. 1010 sqq.
211 Seckendorf, III: 261.
212 Seckendorf, Index III., Anno 1536.
213Remains of Bishop Coverdale, pp. 384-86.
214Bilder aus der Deutschen Vergangenheit, von Gustav Freitag, II: 197.
215 Vol. II: p. 105.
216 Dixon, II: 261.
217English State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. X: pp. 282 sqq.
218 III: p. 552.
219State Papers, Henry VIII., vol. XI: pp. 147 sqq.
220Corpus Reformatorum VI: p. 532.
221 Ib. p. 714.
222 VII: 292.
223 Ib. 274, 275.
224 Ib. 275.
225Salig’s Historie des Aug. Conf., I: 580.
226 Ib.
227Cyprian’s Historia der Aug. Conf., p. 279.
228Salig, I: 680.
229Corpus Reformatorum, VII: 1083.
230 Ib. p. 1109.
231Calendar, Edward VI. (Foreign) p. 219.
232 Ib. Domestic Series.
233Salig, I: 681.
234 Jenkyn’s Cranmer’s Remains, I: XX.
235 Herzog Real Encyclopædie.
236 Buddeus, Isagoge, 1120: “It has been observed by learned men, that in the beginning he did not differ much from the position of Luther, which also pleased the English, until at last he went over to the side of Calvin.” Even of his answer to Bishop Gardiner, of 1562, Walch (Bibl. Theol. Sel. II: 439) says: “Previously he was not alien to the true doctrine, but now seems to approach the opinion of those who deny the real presence.” The Calvinistic element in England, regarded him in the same light. Burcher to Bullinger (October 29th. 1548): “The Archbishop of Canterbury, moved, no doubt, by the advice of Peter Martyr, and other Lutherans.” Or. Letters, II: 542.
237Vita Petri Martyris, per Josiam Simler, in Gerdesius’ Misscellanea Groningana, III: 38, 48. Melchior Adam’s Vita Germ. Theol. II: 13 sqq.
238Isagoge p. 1120.
239Ausführliche Historia, II: 27.
240History of Reformation, p. 220.
241 Strype’s Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, II: 597 sqq.
242Anecdota Brentiana, p. 304.
243Aüsfuhr. Histor. II: 26 sq. For additional information concerning Bucer’s theological position, see my edition of “Book of Concord,” Vol. II: p. 253 sqq., and the authorities there cited.
244Original Letters, II: 662.
245Original Letters relative to the English Reformation, Vol. I: 1.
246 Ib. p. 5.
247 Ib. Vol. II: p. 704.
248 Ib. p. 707.
249 Ib. p. 711.
250Remains of Thomas Cranmer, D. D., I: p. xliv.
251 “Dr. Ridley did confer with me, and by sundry persuasions and authorities of doctors, drew me quite from my opinion.” Examination, Jenkyns IV: 97.
252Original Letters, I: p. 320.
253 Ib II: p. 381.
254 Ib. p. 643.
255 Ib. I: p. 322.
256 Ib. II: p. 383.
257 Ib. I: p. 73.
258 Ib. p. 323.
259 A full translation of Luther’s Formula may be found in Lutheran Church Review for 1889 and 1890.
260 Strype’s Cranmer, III: 387.
261 Strype’s Cranmer, I: 191 sq.
262 Ib. p. 194.
263 Strype’s Henry VIII., I: 602.
264 Ib. p. 601.
265 This is found in Luther’s Works, Walch’s Ed. XV: 2174 sqq. Litanei, das ist, demüthiger Gebet zu dem dreieinigen Gott, für Deutschland, gehalten in einer gewissen berühmten Stadt in Deutschland am Aschermittwoch.
266The Prayer Book Interleaved, p. 77.
267 Procter’s History of Book of Common Prayer, p. 17.
268 Introduction to “Annotated Book of Common Prayer,” p. xxvii.
269Original Letters, CXXI.; also in Procter, p. 26.
270 Cf. direction from Schleswig-Holstein, 1542: “The Lessons should be taken only from the Bible, i. e. from the Old and New Testaments”
271Liturgische Abhandlungen, VIII., 179 sqq.
272 Kliefoth’s Liturgische Abhandlungen, VI: 224.
273Rational Illustration of Book of Common Prayer, p. 205.
274Erl. Ed. LXIII: 175.
275Erl. Ed. LXIII: 192.
276 Ib. p. 218.
277Bampton Lectures, p. 183.
278The Book of Common Prayer in its History and Interpretation, p. 510 sqq.
289Schw-Hall, (1543): “For the Marriage estate has not been devised by human reason, but was found and instituted by God himself in Paradise.”
290 From Collect at close of Osiander’s (1526) and Luther’s (1529). Brandenburg-Nürnberg, (1533), Schw. Hall, (1543), Cologne, (1543), and most Lutheran Orders: “Wherein the Sacrament of Thy dear Son, Jesus Christ and the Church, his Bride, is signified unto us.” There is a similar Collect in Sarum, from the Gelasian Sacramentary: “Who hast consecrated the state of matrimony to such an excellent mystery, that in it is signified the sacramental union and marriage of Christ and the Church.”
291 Schw. Hall: “This estate, the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ, so highly esteemed, that not only when bidden, with his Mother and disciples, did he honor the marriage with his first miracle.” Cassel, (1539), Cologne, (1543): “Who also honored and richly adorned the marriage estate by his presence.”
292 Osiander (1524), Brandenburg-Nürnberg (1533): “To the end that this may not be done without understanding of the Word of God, as do unbelievers.”
293 Schw. Hall, (1543): “For it has not been instituted for worldly or carnal wantonness.”
294 See 4.
295 Schw. Hall: “That therein children might be brought up by their parents to the glory and knowledge of God, and the doctrine of the true Christian faith might be transmitted from children to children’s children, and be diffused and maintained throughout the world, unto the Last Day. For God has not created man to live a beastly life here on earth, and to care only for that which is earthly, but that he may learn to know God.”
296 Schw. Hall: “God has appointed and ordained matrimony, that every form of unchastity might be avoided.”
297 Schw. Hall: “And besides God wishes the love and communion of his Son, our Lord Jesus Christ with the Christian Church, as his Bride, to be thus known and represented.”
298 The thought probably enters here, as Schw. Hall ends with the prediction of the cross, and the divine comfort under it.
299 2: 217.
300Annotated Book of Common Prayer, p. 270.
301The Two Liturgies of Edward VI. contrasted, Preface, xv. sq.
302Procter, p. 48.
303Bampton Lectures, p. 209.
304Niemyer’s Coll. Conf., p. 171.
305 Ib. p. 73.
306 Baum’s Capito and Bucer, p. 266.
307 “Deine zerstreuete Schäflein.”
308 Richter’s KO. p. 141.
309History of the XXXIX Articles, p. 80.
310 This principle within the sphere of worship, is that the public worship does not in itself convey the forgiveness of sins, and the blessings of salvation. These are found only in the gracious assurances of the Gospel, which are appropriated only by faith. This principle had to assert itself against the Romish error that the public service was an institution appointed by God, directly conditioning salvation. The Public Service, according to the evangelical principle is not a means of grace, as Rome makes it; but a means, through which the means of grace, Word and Sacrament, are brought to men. In it, the Holy Spirit comes to men, as Word and Sacrament are administered; and men, in turn, through the Holy Spirit, attending Word and Sacraments, receives what the Holy Spirit offers. The perfection of the liturgical Service depends, therefore, upon the provision made for this constant reciprocation, God giving and man receiving, like the two sides of one breath. There could be no such conception of the Service where everything was spoken in a language not understood. Nor could it occur, where the doctrine of the constant presence of the Holy Spirit with the Word and Sacraments was denied, and an inner Word made the more prominent and important. All questions, then, concerning places, times, forms and books of worship, fall under the category of adiaphora; they are of value, not in themselves, but in the degree that they promote true worship, i. e. edification from Word and Sacrament, and invocation of God based thereon. Cf. Koestlin’s Geschichte des Christlichen Gottesdienstes (Freiburg, 1887), pp. 152 sqq.
311 Confiteor Deo Omnipotenti, beatae Mariae semper virgini, beato Michaeli archangelo . . omnibus sanctis et vobis, fratres, quia peccavi nimis cogitatione, verbo et opere. Mea culpa, mea culpa, mea maxima culpa. Ideo precor beatam Mariam semper virginem—et vos fratres orare pro me ad Dominum, Deum nostrum. Then his fellow ministrants continue: Misereatur tui Omnipotens Deus, et dimissis peccatis tuis perducat te ad vitam aeternam.
312 See above Chapter xxii.
313Richter, II:122.
314 For details see Kliefoth, II: 335 sqq.
315 See De Wette’s Luther’s Briefen, IV: 480 sqq.
316 “The choir as the voice of the Church Universal, specifically of the O. T. Church.” Schoeberlein Liturgische Ausbau, p. 246.
317 From Gerbert’s Monumenta veteris Liturgiae Alemannicae, supplemented by Muratori’s Liturgia Romana.
318The distribution can be traced, as far back as Thomas Aquinas (Summa Summarum. [[2, 2. Q. 83, Art. XVII. >> Summa:STh., II-II q.83 a.17]],) who tries to apply to it I Tim. 2: 1. He says: “In the Collect for Trinity Sunday, ‘Almighty and Everlasting God’ pertains to the raising of the mind to God; ‘Who hast given unto us Thy servants,’ pertains to thanksgiving; ‘We beseech Thee that Thou wouldest keep,’ pertains to petition; ‘Through our Lord,’ to supplication.”
319Editio Lugduni, 1675, p. 241.
320Rerum Liturgicarum Libri, III: 141.
321 Kliefoth’s Liturgische Abhandlungen, VIII. (V) p. 71.
322 Koestlin’s Geschichte des Christlichen Gottesdiensts.
323 See Luther’s Von Ordenung Gottesdiensts.
324 Kliefoth, VIII. (V.) 96.
325 See above, Act I., Part II., B.
326 It is not however without precedent in the Oriental Liturgies, although not in this precise form: “Which shall be given for you.” (Mozarabic).
327 Kliefoth VIII., (V.) p. 125
328 VIII, (V.) 148 sq.
329 Quoted in Burton’s Cranmer’s Catechism, Oxford, 1829, pp. v. vi. A more accessible editon of Cranmer’s Catechism, with the part concerning the Sacraments and the Power of the Keys omitted, and the orthography modernized, was published by the Presbyterian Board of Publication, Philadelphia, 1842, in their series of writings of the British Reformers, among the selections from Cranmer.
330 Strype’s Cranmer, 1: 227.
331 Cranmer’s Catechism, viii.
332 Cooper’s Athenæ Cantabrigienses, Art. Becon.
333 In Parker Society edition 410 pp. 8vo. 58 lines to the page.
335 “The idea is probably due to Hermann’s Consultation. No part, how ever, of our Catechism was borrowed from this source.” Procter, History of the Book of Common Prayer, p. 389. “As the same arrangement is found in Hermann’s Consultation, the notion of an authoritative form of instruction to be thus inserted in the Ritual, was probably derived from that source. There is no resemblance, however, between the English and foreign formularies.” Trollope on the Liturgy, p. 233.
336 Strype’s Memorials of the Reformation, II: 49.
337 See Schmid’s Dogmatik, English Translation, First Edition, pp. 377 sqq., Second Edition, pp. 360 sqq.
338 Cf. above chapter. The Ten Articles.
339 For details, see Hardwick, pp. 84 sqq.
340 “All the alterations are drawn chiefly from the Würtemberg Confession,” Adolphus, Compendium Theologicum, p. 438.
341 A Brief Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort, 1554. Reprint London 1846, p. VII.
342 Ib. XXXVIII.
343 Strype’s Cranmer, III: 162 sqq.
344 Sept. 24th, 1561. Letters.
345 May 10th, 1563. See Letters.
346 Strype’s Memorials, V: 71.
347 Strype’s Grindal, p. 16.
348 Ib. p. 182.
349 Ib. p. 132.
350 Ib.
351 Strype’s Life of Bp. Aylmer, pp. 10 sq.
352 Archbishop Laurence comments on this title to show how much greater in England was the influence of Luther than that of Calvin.—Bampton Lectures, p. 235.