Daughter of the east by benazir bhutto
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Many thought that the timing of Zia’s latest exploitation of Islam was directed at me. The Urdu press speculated that Zia could use the interpreta-tion of Islamic bigots to try and prevent me, as a woman, from standing for election, or he could use it subsequently to try and disqualify me as the leader of the victorious party in the National Assembly. But I had my doubts as to whether he would succeed. The Constitution of 1973, which was approved by the country’s religious parties, had declared women eligible to become head of government. Similarly, Zia’s own Constitution of 1985 upheld a woman’s eligibility for head of government. Zia’s options were narrowing. More than ever we doubted that the elections would be fair and
In February, we had gone to the Supreme Court to challenge Zia’s 1985 Voter’s Registration clause, which required all political parties to register with the regime. Under Zia’s rules, all political parties wishing to take part in elective polls had to submit their accounts as well as their list of office holders to the administration’s chosen Election Commissioner. Armed with that information, the Election Commissioner could then dis-allow any political party from participating in elections on such vague grounds as the party being against the ideology of Islam, regardless of the fact that the ideology was not defined. Just as incredibly, the Com-missioner could also preclude the office bearers from standing for elections for fourteen years and even impose jail sentences of seven years!
’Parliamentary government is a government of the party and a party government is a vital principle of a representative government,’ the Chief justice wrote in his statement. ’. . . At a minimum an election provides a legal means for validating a claim to govern. It is a party system that converts the results of a Parliamentary election into a government.’ Agree-ing with the Chief Justice, another Supreme Court judge observed: ’Per-sons elected to the legislature in their personal capacities have hardly any importance. They just toss around on the political scene, rudderless and without a destination. It is only when they band themselves into a group as a party, that they become a force exercising some influence by their activities. Only as members of a political party and not as individual mem-bers of the legislature can they achieve their objectives.’ The intent of the Supreme Court in striking down Zia’s ’registration clause’ was clear: no party, registered or unregistered, could be prevented from participating in elections. The Court’s verdict was also clear. Every citizen had the fundamental right to participate in elections through a
POSTSCRIPT political party of his or her choice. Elections had to be held on the basis of political parties. There was no other Constitutional option, even under Zia’s own Constitution. But Zia, we all knew, was not one to hold himself accountable to the laws of Pakistan. I continued to tour the country, travelling from Larkana to an enthusi-astic welcome in Jacobabad, then on to Nawabshah where former members of the Muslim League joined ranks with the PPP. When I returned to Karachi, more Muslim League parliamentarians joined us. The momentum was building in favour of the PPP, starting a bandwagon effect. Potential candidates were all seeking the heavy party support that the PPP’s symbol on the ballot would bring. Wherever I went, the people turned out in thousands, in spite of the searing heat and the summer rains. At a speech in Lahore in July, the crowds were so huge that the press compared them to the crowds that had welcomed me home from exile in 1986. By the grace of God, I felt fit and filled with energy. ’Are you sure you’re expecting?’ asked a lady doctor before examining me. ’We all thought it was a political trick to get Zia to hold elections.’ I was surprised to hear that many shared the rumour all over the country. ’People keep asking me how you can keep up such a hectic travel schedule if you’re really in the family way,’ Fakhri said to me in exasperation. But there was too much at stake to rest. If Zia upheld his own constitution, elections would be held by the end of August. I was at a breakfast meeting with the Australian Ambassador at 70 Clifton on July 20 when another note was slipped to me. The elections, Zia had just announced, were to be held on November 16. Admitting that the Constitution provided that the elections should have been held within ninety days of the dissolution of the National Assembly, Zia said he had delayed the date in view of the coming monsoons, the Muslim month of mourning (Muharram) and the month of pilgrimage (the Haj). The tension that developed during Muharram, Zia maintained, would make elections impossible. Ninety thousand Pakistani pilgrims on Hai would be deprived of their right to vote, he claimed, if the elections were held during the constitutional period. And the rains had already caused flooding in many parts of the country. I took his excuses with a large grain of salt. The real reason he had postponed the elections, I felt, had more to do with my physical condition. Zia could not afford to have me on the campaign trail. At least a date had been set, and we felt a sense of relief, though it was measured. Zia had already deviated from the constitution and we had no assurance he wouldn’t deviate again in November and cancel the elections. We also didn’t know yet if Zia planned to hold the elections on a party or non-party basis. All signs, however, pointed to panic in the Zia camp. The Muslim League had disintegrated following Zia’s abrupt dismissal of
In an effort to mend fences, Zia had already reappointed nine of Junejo’s cabinet ministers to his interim caretaker government. Indeed, of the seven-teen new cabinet ministers and one Minister of State, seven were sacked members of the Senate and ten ex-members of the National Assembly. Zia had even apologised profusely in public for ’hurting the feelings and sentiments’ of the former legislators by accusing them of irregularities and corruption. This public apology was meant as a sop for Prime Minister Junejo himself. Ironically, just two months after dismissing him, Zia found he once again needed him. In the face of the undiminished strength of the PPP, Zia’s electoral staff was also running scared. When I sent a representative to get a list of voters from the Election Commission in Larkana he was told to come back the next day. He got the same answer on the next day and the next and the next. Why are you delaying matters?’ my representative asked. The frightened official replied: We have sent a telegram to Islamabad to get permission. So far we have received no reply.’ Zia’s fear of the PPP became blatantly clear on July 21. Claiming that party-based elections were against the spirit of Islam because party decisions often held sway over individual conscience and that the majority of people supported his view, Zia announced that the polls would be held on a party-less basis and the candidates deprived of political party symbols on the ballot. Once again, this would leave the vast majority of the population unable to identify whom them wished to vote for. Further, Zia’s system would promote influential individuals at the cost of dedicated political cadres which could only win through party support. Once more Zia had flouted the Constitution and the sentiments of the highest court in the land. A newspaper report on the 31st of July clarified why. Shortly before his latest anti-democratic announcement, Zia had sum-moned the Provincial Secretaries from all four provinces to Islamabad as well as other senior officials to discuss whether the polls should be held on a party or non-party basis. Because of the infighting in the Muslim League, the paper reported, the leaders from Baluchistan, from Sindh, from Punjab and from the Northwest Frontier Province all felt that the PPP would have little difficulty in sweeping the polls. The divided op-position, the leader of the Northwest Frontier Province was reported to have said, ’will make it comfortable for Ms Benazir Bhutto to earn enough seats to emerge as the single majority group.’ Three days later, Zia an-nounced the non-party elections. Once again we turned to the courts, filing a petition before the Supreme
„ . .... .. , ., , „ „., ... _. POSTSCRIPT ., :.-. ,. , ... Court in early August which challenged the constitutionality of Zia’s party-less elections. But would a victory at the Supreme Court really help us in light of the fact that Zia had held the Court’s earlier judgment in such contempt? As a dictator, Zia holds vast powers. Even if the Supreme Court decides in our favour on the basis of the fundamental right of association, Zia can simply declare a state of emergency, thereby nullifying the decision. He may already be setting the stage. On August 4, the eve of the Muslim month of mourning, a Shiite leader was shot dead in Pesh-awar. In the opposition we speculated whether the regime was behind the assassination in order to create the strife which would justify a declaration of emergency. As further protection for a Zia win, it is also being widely rumoured that new election laws are on the anvil whereby successful candidates can be disqualified on the pretext of having any support from political parties. Sources tell us that the law will be enacted during the first week of October, leaving Zia’s opposition too short a time to challenge the law in court before the elections. That Zia is a dictator who has every intention of manipulating the election results through party-less polls, intimidation and stacked election laws is self-evident. My mother is returning to Pakistan in mid-September to campaign and probably stand for a seat herself. In a party-less election, we will need every solid and well-known candidate possible. Regardless of the odds, we will continue to challenge Zia through peaceful, democratic means, using the legal framework that is the backbone of any civilised country. Bludgeoning the population into acquiescence with guns and tear gas may win capitulation and resignation, but not the soul. Zia knows he has never been able to win the hearts or the support of the people. Instead he has ruled by terror and threat. As we approach the watershed of the November elections, Pakistan is at the crossroads of democracy and continued dictatorship. The people of Pakistan are crying out for self-determination. Their voice is the Pakistan People’s Party. And Zia knows it. After eleven and a half years, Zia is still unable to hold free and impartial elections for fear that the PPP will sweep them. just as a flower cannot bloom in the desert, so political parties cannot flourish in a dictatorship. That the political parties have managed to sur-vive and flourish despite the draconian measures taken against them is a tribute to those who gave their lives for democracy and to the people of the Pakistan who realise that their rights can be restored and protected only if they band together in a national party. We are the conscience of the country, the future and the hope. Our day, I know, will come. Karachi August, 1988 322 INDEX
Islamic names are listed under the penultimate name, e.g. Azra Ahmed. Where there are three names the same rule applies; e.g. Mohammed Khan Junejo appears as Khan Junejo, Mohammed, though there are cross references to assist the reader. The exception to this rule is for well-known people, e.g. Jinnah, Mohammed Ali.
Abdul Qayyum, Gen., 159, 161, 166, 282 Abdullah Bhatti, 267 Abrams, Elliot, 226, 228, 240 Afzal Saeed, 87 Aga Khan, the, 80 Ahmed Ali Soomro, see Ali Soomro, Ahmed Ahmed Rasa Kasuri, see Rasa Kasuri, Ahmed Aitken, Jonathan, 197 Ali Khan (Liaquat Ali), 56 Ali Memon, Ghulam, 136 Ali Shah, Pervez, 149, 163-5 Ali Soomro, Ahmed, 189 Al-Zulfikar Resistance Group, 151-3, 157-9, 162, 165, 177, 188-9, 191-3, 221, 240, 242, 248 Amal (Urdu magazine), 229, 233, 297 Amina Piracha (friend), 13, 22, 137, 146, 149, 197, 199, 276, 278, 312
Amnesty International, 121-2, 149, 153, 164-5, 190 Anderson, Jack, 201 Anwar ul-Haq (Chief Justice), 126, 134
Aquino, Corazon, 273 Ardeshir Zahedi, 217 Arif Bhatti, Begum, 165-7 Asghar Khan, 70-75, 116, 145, 179 Ashik Ali, 185 Ashraf Abbasi, Dr, 94, 149, 255, 262, 277-8 Aurora, Gen., 52 Avebury, Lord, 197, 230, 240-1, 261
Awami League, 45 Awan, D. M., 105 Ayaz Samoo (labour leader), 222, 238-41, 261 Ayub Khan, President, 29, 34-40, 45, 105, 196 Aziz Ahmed, 78 Azra Ahmed, 109-10, 282 Babar, Gen., 13 Babu (major-domo), 30, 36-7 Bahawal (servant), 97 Bandaranaike, Sirimavo, 101 Basheer (servant), 4, 135, 181 Bashir Riaz, 91, 226, 228-9, 240-1, 271, 275-6, 278, 292, 297 Benn, Tony, 226
*Ali Bhutto, Zulfikar (father), I, 158, 161, 163, 172-3, 179, I8I-2, 188, 191, 196, 204, 231, 235, 238, 254-5, 278, 283-4, 300-1, 304; murder of, 3-II, 13-14; burial of, I I-12: and Al-Murtaz, 25; and childhood marriage of, 28; edu-cation of, 29; as delegate to United Nations, 29-30; and his children’s education, 32, 34, 38, 40; his views on women, 32-3; disgust at Tash-kent agreement, 35; and PPP, 36-7; and Ayub Khan, 35-40; assassination attempts on, 35, 37, 39; and Bangladesh, 46, 48; and the Security Council, 49-50; and the Simla Accord, 53-8; as prime minister, 59; and antique guns, 62; and Islamic Summit, 65; and Benazir’s elec-tion as President of Oxford Union, 67-8; appoints Zia chief of staff, 68; and land re-forms, 69; and the army, 70; and PNA, 7I-5, 77; and Kis-singer, 76; and CIA, 76, 78; and Zia’s coup, 80-5; smear campaign against, 86, 88; people’s loyalty to, 89-90; INDEX 326 murder accusations against, 90-I, 95: arrests of, 92-4, 97; refuses to escape, 96; imprisonment of, 100; ’trial’ of, 104-8, 111, 114, 116; sentenced to death, 118; his attitudes to an appeal, 119, 125; health of, 122-3, 127; enjoins Benazir to keep democratic flag flying, 127; ad-vises his sons, 131; defends himself before Supreme Court, 131-3; appeal refused, 133-4; and stays of execution, 135; visitors to his grave, 138 ’Amir (Ali’s first wife), 28 *Asif Zardari (Benazir’s husband), 304-I7 ”Azadeh (Sanam’s dau.), 234, 246 ”Behjat (’Auntie’ - mother’s sister), 181, 218-20, 244, 249-50, 254, 275, 306, 314 `BENAZIR, xi: and father’s murder, 3-I1, 13-I4; arrest of, 5; visits father’s grave, I5-I7; house raided, 21-2; and PPP, 23; house detention of, 24-5, 41-2, 80, 98-100, 138-9: and family history, 25-9; up-bringing and education, 29-40; and Radcliffe/Harvard, 40, 42-9, 59; with father at Secur-ity Council, 49-52; at peace negotiations with India, 53--8; and Oxford, 59, 62-8, 70, 73-5, 78-9; and racism, 65-6; meets Zia, 68; and PNA threats, 75: returns to Pakistan, 79; awaits father’s arrest, 80-5; holds press conference, 87-8; PPP support for, 88-9; and
and freedom, 217-20; and Zia’s agents, 219; and Nasser Baloach, 221-2, 226-30, 237-8; in America, 222-5, 239-40; and Barbican HQ, 225-33, 240, 271; and British Im-migration, 228; and Amal, 229, INDEX 327 233; and death sentences, 229-30; and PPP in London, 23I-3; and elections, 233-7, 298-300, 3I8-22; and return to Pakistan, 234-5, 27I-5; and Ayaz Samoo, 238-4I: and a family holiday, 241-50; and Shah’s death, 251-5; buries him in Pakistan, 255-9; another detention, 259, 261-3; and the manner of Shah’s death, 263-4: compared to Corazon Aquino, 273; and flight to Lahore, 275-82; and tour of Pakistan, 282-8; and Independ-ence Day rally, 288-94; im-prisoned again, 294-5; and death threats, 296-7; and ’changing realities’, 300: her views on marriage, 303-6; and Asif Zardari, 306-II; and her wedding, 3II-I6; and pregnancy, 317, 320 ”Fakhri (mother’s niece), 14, 87, II8, 148, I8I, 186, 197, 199, 203, 208, 235, 305, 307 `Fathi (Mir’s dau.), 217, 241, 246, 250-3, 309 ’Fauzia (Mir’s Afghan wife), 192, 241, 248, 250, 252-3, 264 ”Hakin Ali (father-in-law), 304, 310 *Imdad Ali (uncle), 15 *Karim (Behjat’s husband), 218, 249-50 ’Khurshid, Lady (grandmother), 15, 21,29 ’Manna (father’s niece), ISI, 194, 304-5 *Mir Ghulam Murtaza (great-grand-father), 26-8. 62 *Mir Murtaza (brother), 8, 28-9, 79, 8I-4, 86, 95, 97, I0I, I3I, 154, 184, 192, 217, 241-2, 245-8, 250-4, 262-3, 307, 314 at Harvard, 60; at Oxford, 67, 73-4; and hijacking, 151, 153, 157-8; and the assassina-tion of Elahi, 189; and disagree-ments with Benazir, 244; break-up of marriage, 264 *Mumtaz (father’s cousin), 13, 56 *Nasser Hussein (Sanam’s husband), 171-2, 183-5, 246, 251, 254, 258-9, 261 *Nusrat (mother), 56, 60, 80-5, 93-4, 98-9, II5, 125, 134-5, 138-9, 186, 194, 217, 220, 229, 238, 240-4I, 244, 257-8, 274, 293: and husband’s murder, 3-II, 13; visits husband’s grave, I5-Ib; house detention, 24: liberal education and mar-riage of, 29; travels with hus-band, 30; and religion, 3I-2; leads protest march against husband’s imprisonment, 38; settles Benazir at Radcliffe, 43; shocked at Benazir’s physical condition in detention, 61; heads delegation to UN, 73; and PNA threats, 74; and PPP supporters, 86; husband urges to send children abroad, 90; talks to lawyer, 95; and hus-band’s third arrest, 97; as-sumes leadership of PPP, 101-3; challenges Martial Law, II0-I2; in separate detention, 120-I; in poor health, 122-3; at husband’s appeal, 132; defies detention order to visit husband, 133; cautions Benazir to keep low profile, 143, 146; on outmanoeuvring Zia, 144; 328 INDEX imprisoned again, 148, 150, 155, 169; and hijacking, 152, 160, Ib4-6, 177; letters to Benazir in prison, 169, 172-3; release of, 174; and cancer, 174-6, 194-5; and harassment at Sanam’s wedding, 183-4; and Benazii s return to prison, 187; and medical treatment abroad, 195-8; and af-fectionate farewell, 198-9; cancer arrested, 199-200; and Sindh uprising, 211; and Shah’s death, 251-4; and Benazir’s marriage, 309-I0, 314 ”Rehana
(Shah’s Afghan wife), 192, 241-2, 246-53, 263-5 *Sanam (sister), 5, 24, 28-9, 34, 48, 62, 81-4, 92, 94-6, 98-9, 138, 148, 173, 176-7, 186,194, 199, 208, 213, 218, 246, 250, 252, 254, 257, 261, 304, 309, 314 visits Benazir in hospital, 155-6, and in prison, 171-2 wedding of, ISI-5 birth of first child, 234 ”Sassi (Shah’s dau.), 247, 249, 252-3, 262 custody of, 263-4 ’”Shad (cousin), 314-I5 ’”Shah Nawaz (brother), 8, 28-30, 48, 62, 81-4, 88-9, 94-6, 101, I3I, 154, 157, 176, 184, 192, 217, 241-2, 250, 274, 276-7, 283-4 character of, 243-6; his marriage, 246-9; fears assassination, 247-8; death of, 251-2; and inquiries, 253-5, 262-5; burial in Pakis-tan, 255-6I; and mourned, 262 `Shah Nawaz Khan, Sir (grand-father), 15, 21, 25, 28--9, 181
Brezhnev, Leonid, 5, 119 Buckley, James, 190 Bunting, Mary, 45 Bush, George, 51
Estaing, Giscard d’, 67, 170 Fadiman, Anne, 290-3, 312 Faisal Hayat (lawyer), 149, 159-61 Fakir ud-Din, Judge, 121 Faqir Iqbal Hisbani, see Iqbal His-bani, Faqir Farkhanda Bukhari, 165 Fatehyab, 145 Fazil Rahu, 297 Flashman Hotel, Rawalpindi, 122, INDEX J. K., 40, 43 Peter, 44, 59, 173, 186-7, 190, 201, 207-8, 214, 219-20, 223 Gandhi, Indira, 5, 35, 54-8, IOI, 103, 119 Gandhi, Mahatma, 63 Ghulam Ali Memon, see Ali Memon, Ghulam Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, see Mustafa Jatoi, Ghulam Gladstone, W. E., 64 Glenn, Senator John, 197, 223 Gregory, Keith, 312 Hafiz Lakho, 137, 200 Hafiz Pirzada, SI Hall, Carla, 223 Harvard University, 15, 43-9, 59-60, 62, 65, 220 Hazoor Shah, 290 Heath, Edward, 63 Humaira, 275 Humo (friend), 149 Humphrey, Hubert, 34 Ibrahim (servant), 4, b, 135, 181 Ibrahim Khan, 147 Ifikhar, Captain, 98-9, 138 Imran Khan, 65 Iqbal, Gen., III Iqbal Hisbani, Faqir, 286 Iqbal Jaffery, 295 Irshid Rao, 149 Isaacson, Walter, 224-5 Ishaq Khan, Ghulam, xi Iskander Mirza, President, 29
124-5, 128, 134, 136, I4I, I6I Jamaat-ul-Ulema-e-Islam party, Ford, Gerald, 67 145 ]ang (newspaper), 158, 290 Jatoi (PPP Sindh leader), 210-1 I
Javed (magazine), 163 Jehangir Badir, 159, 275 Jinnah, Fatimer, 101 Jinnah, Mohammed Ali, 56, 63, 133, 191, 268, 292, 318 John Paul II, Pope, 5 Johnson, David, 208 Jorgensen, Ankur, 228 Junejo, see Khan Junego, Moham-med Kasuri, 145 Kennedy, Edward, 223, 273 Kennedy, John F., 33 Kennedy, Kathleen, 5 Khakwani, Begum, 88, 117 Khalid Ahmed, 87, 109-10, 149, 281 Khan Junejo, Mohammed, 145; as prime minister, 256, 273, 287-9, 317-18 Kishwar Qayyum Nazami, see Qayyum Nazami, Kishwar Kissinger, Henry, 43, 50, 66, 76 Kodrzyshi, Yolanda, 60, 312 Yüklə 1,3 Mb. Dostları ilə paylaş:
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