483
ligence or sophistication to manifest itself. When cues are abundant, at the
other extreme, even the moderately intelligent will find them (Kahneman,
2000a; Stanovich & West, 1999, 2002).
The model suggests four ways in which a judgment or choice may be made:
(i) no intuitive response comes to mind, and the judgment is produced by
System 2.
(ii) an intuitive judgment or intention is evoked, and
a. is endorsed by System 2;
b. serves as an anchor for adjustments that respond to other features of
the situation;
c. is identified as incompatible with a subjectively valid rule, and blocked
from overt expression.
There is of course no way to ascertain precisely the relative frequencies of
these outcomes, but casual observation suggests the following ordering, from
most to least frequent:
(iia) – (iib) – (i) – (iic)
Most behavior is intuitive, skilled, unproblematic and successful (Klein,
1998). In some fraction of cases, a need to correct the intuitive judgments
and preferences will be acknowledged, but the intuitive impression will be the
anchor for the judgment. Under-correction is more likely than over-correc-
tion in such cases. A conservative general prediction is that variables that are
neglected in intuition will remain underweighted in considered judgments.
The analysis of intuitive thinking and choice that has been presented here
provides a framework which highlights commonalities between lines of re-
search that are usually studied separately. In particular, the psychology of
judgment and the psychology of choice share their basic principles, and dif-
fer mainly in content. At a more specific level, prototype heuristics solve
structurally similar problems in diverse domains, where they yield closely
similar patterns of results. Furthermore, the principles are not specific to the
domain of judgment / decision making. The analogy between intuition and
perception has been especially fruitful in identifying the ways in which in-
tuitive thought differs from deliberate reasoning, and the notions of accessi-
bility and dual-process analyses play a fundamental role in several domains of
social and cognitive psychology.
A general framework such as the one offered here is not a substitute for do-
main-specific concepts and theories. For one thing, general frameworks and
specific models make different ideas accessible. Novel ideas and compelling
examples are perhaps more likely to arise from thinking about problems at a
lower level of abstraction and generality. However, a broad framework can be
useful if it guides a principled search for analogies across domains, to identi-
fy common processes and to prevent overly narrow interpretations of find-
ings.
484
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