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The estate fixed in 4, 4a, 4b, 4c, 5, 5a, 5b, 5c, 6, 6a, 6b and 6c squares of IV
excavation field was probably one of basic elite estates of Agsu. Main and span
streets create certain thought about sufficiently dense and perfect communication
network. A square, a small man-made pond in square centre and house room
decorated from inside with special wall decorations nearby in 6b square and
immense bathroom complex lying in east west direction along 6th square inform
character and belonging of this estate. All of these signs say that it is at least one of
basic estates of the town.
Abovementioned samples substantiate saying that last medieval urban
estates of Agsu were not monotonous by planning. Displayed estates which were
along closed and straight line can be explained as an indicator of colourfulness of
town topography.
As a result of investigations it was concluded that estates are not only area
unit, i.e. originality of public relations uniting estate settlers defines its social
essence as well. It determined specification of their home or economy life, in other
words, own features of estate.
Otrar investogators assuming as a basis partial difference of some houses
found in separate estates from other houses, to be more true, existence of not one
but two ciay ovens (tendir) in those houses suppose that these houses belong to the
estate respected people. By the way it was determined as a result of mutual analyse
and investigation of last medieval materials and ethnographic observations held in
wider areas, the urban bodies maintained urgent relations with the estates through
estates' respected people.
Let's remind that similiar houses were dislayed during Agsu excavations.
But all of these houses' belonging to estate elders is not so convincing. We think
that there should be other distinctive elements in houses belonged to estate
respected people. For instance double-room house fixed in 1, 1a and 1b squares of
IV excavation site differs therein. First, the house was built in a place attractive at
first sight. Second, padded chair was accurately made around hearthes and clay
ovens (tendir) inside this house. Third, special niches exist there to gather home
things or bedding in reverse and side walls of this house. Fourth, some stone
samples trimmed in “bardur”- planking form being hewed with special taste were
found in each house rooms, which are supposed to have window or a niche prop.
Finally a floor of accurately hewed stone plates consisted of some lines was
displayed in front of the noted houses. All of these are signs proving permanent
hospitability of fixed house rooms as we guess. Naturally belonging of these
houses to estate respectable, seems more convincing.
Investigators referring to the result of archaeological investigations in urban
cities consider that the poor and rich had joint estates, i.e. there were houses
belonging both to rich and poor families in the same estate. Usually one or two rich
houses and some poor houses existed in each state. While the rest drew attention
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with their being in similiar level generally. It is displayed in capacity of houses,
architectural appearance, their distance, renovation of surrounding, finally, quality
and quantity of house thing, i.e. all of these signs are followed in this or other level
in Agsu mateials. These signs are confirmed with ethnographic parallels observed
today in separate towns. In fact dwelling of representatives of various social
classes as neighbours of the same estates, was suitable for each of the parties and
particularly, for rich. There was no need for them to hire servants in other estates.
The poors naturally preferred to appeal their neighbours, not others in urgent cases,
i.e. everybody knew how and whom to confide since they recognized each other
well in this condition.
Vocational corporations stood rather aside from the estates' border in
medieval towns. For example curriers lived in 32 estates in Bukhara City. Pottery
masters lived in other states along with special estates in Otrar. As it was
mentioned before, working of masters engaged in various vocation fields in the
same estate in Agsu was determined. We can say the same thing about estates
where Shaki and Lahij masters lived.
Estates differed for their area and number of their population. For example,
there are 20 houses in each estate of Otrar town, 40-Hojent, from 30 to 120 in
Bukhara, 120-257 houses in Ura-tobe. It is difficult to tell a concrete number about
quantity of houses in estates of Agsu, since none of them were completely studied.
However largeness or smallness of estates in any case depended on natural
opportunities of a concrete area they are located and communication network of
local or regional importance. There are such areas where a number of estates rise.
There is also such an area where natural obstacles (river, ditch, mountain, hill,
ravine main road, channel, etc) or communications of local or regional importance
prevent expansion of estates.
Growth of estates irrespective of the condition, or the process of its
diminish being scattered is one of cases observed in urban life as time passes by.
Sometimes life which lacked traffic and had problem with water supply
extinguished gradually in estates or landslide zone.
So, determination of clear criteria of medieval urban estate and following
development dynamics are excessively difficult and polysemantic process. Besides,
to manage the work definitely in such condition which estates were not opened
archaeolog-ically and completely, and absence of parallels being both
geographically and chronologically close for comparisons as it was in Agsu is very
difficult.
YaĢayıĢ evləri: Bəzi məlumatlara görə XVIII əsrin sonunda XIX əsrin
əvvəllərində Ağsuda 10 min nəfərə qədər əhali yaşayırdı. Bu isə orta statistik
hesablamaya görə o zaman Ağsuda 2 mindən çox yaşayış evi olması deməkdir. 2
min evin də hər birinin orta hesabla 2 ədəd yardımçı tikilişi olarsa, bu da orta
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