INDO-EUROPEAN
ACCENT AND ABLAUT
Edited by
Götz Keydana
Paul Widmer
and
Thomas Olander
Museum Tusculanum Press
University of Copenhagen
2013
@ Museum Tusculanum Press and the author 2013
Indo-European Accent and Ablaut
© Museum Tusculanum Press and the authors 2013
Edited by Götz Keydana, Paul Widmer & omas Olander
Cover design by ora Fisker
Set by omas Olander
Printed in Denmark by Tarm Bogtryk A/S
ISBN 978 87 635 4043 8
Copenhagen Studies in Indo-European, vol. 5
ISSN 1399 5308
Published with support from:
Roots of Europe – Language, Culture, and Migrations
Museum Tusculanum Press
Birketinget 6
DK 2300 Copenhagen S
www.mtp.dk
@ Museum Tusculanum Press and the author 2013
Indo-European nominal ablaut patterns:
The Anatolian evidence
Alwin Kloekhorst
Leiden University
In this article the reconstruction of the PIE accent-ablaut paradigms
will be reviewed, especially taking into account the evidence from the
Anatolian branch. It will be argued that both the Erlangen and the
Leiden reconstruction of PIE accent-ablaut patterns is correct, albeit
that the two systems represent different chronological layers of the
proto-language.1
1 Introduction
In most recent handbooks on Indo-European, a consensus seems to have
been reached as to which nominal accent-ablaut patterns must be recon-
structed for Proto-Indo-European. In e.g. Meier-Brügger 2002: 203–20, Fort-
son 2004: 107–10 and Clackson 2007: 79–86, the following four paradigms
are cited (the “strong” cases are nominative and accusative, the “weak” cases
all other cases, except the locative;
2
“R” = root, “S” = suffix, “E” = ending):
acrostatic
proterokinetic
R
S
E
R
S
E
strong
ḗ/ó
-
-
é
-
-
weak
é
-
-
-
é
-
loc.
é
-
-
ḗ
1 is research was financially supported by the Netherlands Organisation for Sci-
entific Research (NWO). e symbol “>” represents phonological, i.e. regular de-
velopments, whereas the symbol “>>” represents morphological, i.e. analogical
developments.
2 Note that Meier-Brügger in his overview of paradigms states that in the acro-
static paradigm the locative has the structure *CC-éC (2002: 216), whereas in the
paradigm of *nokʷ-t-, *nekʷ-t-, his main example for an acrostatically inflected
noun, he cites a locative form *nékʷ-t (2002: 218), i.e. according to the structure
*CéC-C.
@ Museum Tusculanum Press and the author 2013
Alwin Kloekhorst
108
hysterokinetic
amphikinetic
R
S
E
R
S
E
strong
-
é
-
é
o
-
weak
-
-
é
-
-
é
loc.
-
é
(-i)
-
é
(-i)
Since the foundations for this system were layed by a group of scholars,
among which Schindler, Eichner, Rix, and Hoffmann, during the 1964 Er-
langer Kolloquium that discussed the works of Pedersen (1926) and Kuiper
(1942) on nominal accent-ablaut patterns in Indo-European, this system is
sometimes referred to as the Erlangen model.
3
In Leiden, Kuiper’s student
Beekes, together with his colleague Kortlandt, developed an alternative
model on the basis of Pedersen’s and Kuiper’s works, most explicitly present-
ed in Beekes 1985. is Leiden model seems to have received little support by
scholars from outside Leiden.
In the following article, it is my intention to assess to what extent Anato-
lian material can elucidate the discussion on the reconstruction of nominal
accent-ablaut patterns in Indo-European. I will not treat the ablaut patterns
of root nouns, which present their own problems.
4
2 Acrostatic / static
e pattern that in the Erlangen model is called “acrostatic” is referred to as
“static” in the Leiden model, because “acrostatic” is regarded as a redundant
term: there are no other types of static patterns with which the acrostatic
one would contrast.
5
I will therefore use the term “static” as well. Schindler
(1975a: 4f.) reconstructs two types of (acro)static patterns, namely a type 1
that shows an ablaut *ó/é, and a type 2 that shows an ablaut *ḗ/é.
According to Schindler, type 1 is synchronically attested in the Hittite
paradigm for ‘water’, u̯ātar, u̯iten-, which he reconstructs as *uód-r, *uéd-n-.
3 Cf. Meier-Brügger 2002: 203f. for a Forschungsgeschichte.
4 For instance, the word for ‘foot’, which is usually reconstructed as having a static
paradigm, *pṓd-s, *pód-m, *péd-s, seems to be mobile in Hittite: acc.pl. pāduš <
*pód-ms vs. gen.pl. patān < *p(o)d-óm.
5 e idea of reconstructing a “mesostatic” pattern (i.e. accented full grade on the
suffix syllable throughout), which had been postulated by some scholars (e.g. Rix
1976: 123 for the *h₂-stems), is nowadays commonly abandoned (cf. Beekes 1985:
174, Meier-Brügger 2002: 220).
@ Museum Tusculanum Press and the author 2013