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Luiz Felipe Bruzzi Curi_Danilo Barolo Martins de Lima
Physiocratic-Smithian economics tends
too much to a cosmopolitan conception,
whereas mercantilist-protectionist economics
sometimes exaggerates the national point of
view. Yet in principle and ultimately the latter
is more correct
(WAGNER,
1909
[
1876
], P.
39
)
.
Wagner’s conceptualization of economics in the
Grundlegung gave preference to national interests,
when these collide with cosmopolitan ones. Rodbertus’
theory of crises, sketched in his letter to Kirchmann
later published as Le Capital, was based on the idea
that a deregulated capitalist economy would cause the
relative share of wages in national income to decline,
which, given a rising productivity, would engender
overproduction and underconsumption.
It is not possible to state that in his speech Simonsen
intended to derive all the theoretical and analytical
and practical implications of the ideas developed by
Rodbertus and Wagner, so as to conceptualize, as they
did, overproduction crises and the national economy.
Nevertheless, both concepts are embedded in lines of
theoretical reasoning rather coherent with Simonsen’s
purposes in the parliamentary speech of 1935.
Certainly, in his speech Simonsen intended to convey
contents which were not exactly equivalent to those
implied by Rodbertus and Wagner: the target audience
of each author and the contexts in which each text was
produced were very different. But Simonsen did use
the concepts present in the works of these economists,
mentioning their names at the beginning of his speech,
where he exposed his theoretical and ideological affinities.
This appropriation, described in its specificity, helps to
understand the kind of economic thinking developed
by Roberto Simonsen and to shed light on some
particularities of the dissemination of economic ideas
in the 1930s, in Brazil.
4.2_Roberto Simonsen’s appropriations:
the organization of production and nationalism
Rather than follower of a specific tradition of economic
thought, Simonsen was a thinker of multiple references.
He began his professional career very close to the
ideas of Frederick Taylor in the field of scientific
administration and gradually moved toward protectionist
conceptions such as List’s and Manoilescu’s in the 1920s
and 1930s. As a founding member of the Free School for
Sociology and Politics, he was in contact with American
sociologists. His important book, Economic history
of Brazil (1937), contained a wide range of intellectual
references, among which the Portuguese historian João
Lúcio de Azevedo, who inspired the interpretation of
Brazilian economic history in terms of the cycles of
exported primary commodities.
In order to produce the reports that integrate
the “controversy on economic planning” (1944-45)
Simonsen came closer to a literature directly related to
economic planning, in order to respond to the criticism
presented by his interlocutor in the discussion, the liberal
economist Eugênio Gudin. In the various political and
intellectual contexts in which he was involved, Simonsen
searched for diversified references, forging an economic
thought that, far from containing a unified analytical
proposition, was rather a set of insights about the
Brazilian economy and Brazilian economic history, based
on a plurality of theoretical inspirations. The debate
about the Agreement of 1935 was one of these moments
in which Simonsen sought for theoretical foundations:
in this case, they should give support to an exposition
about commercial policy.
Roberto Simonsen and the Brazil-U.S. Trade Agreement of 1935
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Accordingly, it is interesting to indicate some of
the possible reasons for the inclusion of Rodbertus and
Wagner among the references mentioned by Simonsen in
the speech. In the case of Rodbertus, the main element
highlighted by Simonsen is the disruptive nature of the
free market, which should not be abolished, but regulated
by the State. In Rodbertus’ scheme capitalists are not
to blame for economic crises, these being a result of
an important dysfunction of the free market, capitalist
economy: productivity grows, as the wage share in output
declines. This idea reinforced Simonsen’s argument
that the free market (at international level) was not
necessarily beneficial: it might be harmful, as he implied
in the speech, to the development of the Brazilian
industrial sector.
Adolph Wagner, in turn, gave preference to the
“national point of view” over the “cosmopolitan” one.
Similarly, Simonsen intended to show that, in Brazilian
policymaking related to international trade, national
interests should prevail – and he saw these as identical
to the interests of Brazil’s nascent industry. He sought
to reveal in his parliamentary address that many
developed countries, such as the United States,
had adopted protectionist measures, having defended
their national industrial production, when this was
convenient. Moreover, Wagner formulated a typology
of economic development in which the most civilized
phase corresponded to a stage of national unification
and economic integration. By the same token,
Roberto Simonsen viewed the establishment of a
national institutional framework as a prerequisite of
economic development.
The inclusion of references to these German authors
approximates Simonsen’s reasoning of a lineage of
economic thought coherent with his arguments, due to
the critique of the free market principle and
to the positive assessment of the nationalist point
of view, in opposition to the cosmopolitan one.
The presence of these thinkers as authorities legitimizing
Simonsen’s speech may be an indication that he was
in tune with the German traditions of economic thought,
incorporating elements of historicism, nationalism and
social reformism.
Roberto Simonsen resorted to German authors in
other opportunities. In 1931, in a speech delivered at the
Mackenzie College, in São Paulo, he presented himself
as a follower of Friedrich List’s protectionism, and in
his book Economic history of Brazil (1937) he referred
to arguments developed by Gustav Schmoller. German
traditions of economic thought were not the only source
of inspiration for Simonsen, as he was influenced by
various intellectual tendencies, but they played an
important role in his thinking, the parliamentary
address of 1935 being an example of this.
Now turning to some particular arguments
presented by Simonsen in the speech, an important
point was the connection between foreign trade and
international capital. He considered the presence of
external capital in Brazil to be inevitable, given the
historical scarcity of national capital. In addition, foreign
capital had, according to him, brought a considerable
impulse to the country’s economic progress. The problem
was that this foreign investment resulted in ever growing
remittances, which had to be covered with enduring
balance of trade surpluses. The eventual decrease of these
positive results, historically attached to the cyclical sales
of the primary commodities Brazil exported, would cause
the flow of foreign capital to cease.
Brazil was not, according to Simonsen, responsible
for these difficulties to pay for foreign capital: the