Alfred adler 1870 1937 Dr. C. George Boeree



Yüklə 100,18 Kb.
Pdf görüntüsü
tarix11.07.2018
ölçüsü100,18 Kb.
#54957


ALFRED ADLER

1870 - 1937

Dr. C. George Boeree

I would like to introduce Alfred Adler by talking about someone Adler never

knew: Theodore Roosevelt. Born to Martha and Theodore Senior in Manhattan

on October 27, 1858, he was said to be a particularly beautiful baby who

needed no help entering his new world. His parents were strong, intelligent,

handsome, and quite well-to-do. It should have been an idyllic childhood

But "Teedie," as he was called, was not as healthy as he first appeared. He had

severe asthma, and tended to catch colds easily, develop coughs and fevers, and

suffer from nausea and diarrhea. He was small and thin. His voice was reedy,

and remained so even in adulthood. He became malnourished and was often

forced by his asthma to sleep sitting up in chairs. Several times, he came

dangerously close to dying from lack of oxygen.

Not to paint too negative a picture, Teedie was an active boy -- some would say

over-active -- and had a fantastic personality. He was full of curiosity about

nature and would lead expeditions of cousins to find mice, squirrels, snakes,

frogs, and anything else that could be dissected or pickled. His repeated

confinement when his asthma flared up turned him to books, which he

devoured throughout his life. He may have been sickly, but he certainly had a

desire to live!

After traveling through Europe with his family, his health became worse. He

had grown taller but no more muscular. Finally, with encouragement from the

family doctor, Roosevelt Senior encouraged the boy, now twelve, to begin lifting

weights. Like anything else he tackled, he did this enthusiastically. He got

healthier, and for the first time in his life got through a whole month without

an attack of asthma.

When he was thirteen, he became aware of another defect of his: When he

found that he couldn't hit anything with the rifle his father had given him.



When friends read a billboard to him -- he didn't realize it had writing on it -- it

was discovered that he was terribly nearsighted!

In the same year, he was sent off to the country on his own after a bad attack of

asthma. On the way, he was waylaid by a couple of other boys his own age. He

found that not only couldn't he defend himself, he couldn't even lay a hand on

them. He later announced to his father his intention to learn to box. By the time

he went to Harvard, he was not only a healthier Teddy Roosevelt, but was a

regular winner of a variety of athletic contests.

The rest, as they say, is history. "Teedie" Roosevelt went on to become a

successful New York assemblyman, North Dakota cowboy, New York

commissioner of police, Assistant secretary of the Navy, lieutenant colonel of

the "Rough Riders," the Governor of New York, and best-selling author, all by

the age of forty. With the death of President William McKinley in 1901,

Theodore Roosevelt became the youngest president of the United States.

How is it that someone so sickly should become so healthy, vigorous, and

successful? Why is it that some children, sickly or not, thrive, while others

wither away? Is the drive that Roosevelt had peculiar to him, or is it something

that lies in each of us? These kinds of questions intrigued a young Viennese

physician named Alfred Adler, and led him to develop his theory, called

Individual Psychology.

Biography

Alfred Adler was born in the suburbs of Vienna on February 7, 1870, the third

child, second son, of a Jewish grain merchant and his wife. As a child, Alfred

developed rickets, which kept him from walking until he was four years old. At

five, he nearly died of pneumonia. It was at this age that he decided to be a

physician.

Alfred was an average student and preferred playing outdoors to being cooped

up in school. He was quite outgoing, popular, and active, and was known for

his efforts at outdoing his older brother, Sigmund.

He received a medical degree from the University of Vienna in 1895. During his

college years, he became attached to a group of socialist students, among which

he found his wife-to-be, Raissa Timofeyewna Epstein. She was an intellectual




and social activist who had come from Russia to study in Vienna. They married

in 1897 and eventually had four children, two of whom became psychiatrists.

He began his medical career as an opthamologist, but he soon switched to

general practice, and established his office in a lower-class part of Vienna,

across from the 

Prater


, a combination amusement park and circus. His clients

included circus people, and it has been suggested (Furtmuller, 1965) that the

unusual strengths and weaknesses of the performers led to his insights into

organ inferiorities and compensation.

He then turned to psychiatry, and in 1907 was invited to join Freud's discussion

group. After writing papers on organic inferiority, which were quite compatible

with Freud's views, he wrote, first, a paper concerning an aggression instinct,

which Freud did not approve of, and then a paper on children's feelings of

inferiority, which suggested that Freud's sexual notions be taken more

metaphorically than literally.

Although Freud named Adler the president of the Viennese Analytic Society

and the co-editor of the organization's newsletter, Adler didn't stop his

criticism. A debate between Adler's supporters and Freud's was arranged, but it

resulted in Adler, with nine other members of the organization, resigning to

form the Society for Free Psychoanalysis in 1911. This

organization became The Society for Individual Psychology

in the following year.

During World War I, Adler served as a physician in the

Austrian Army, first on the Russian front, and later in a

children's hospital. He saw first hand the damage that war

does, and his thought turned increasingly to the concept of



social interest. He felt that if humanity was to survive, it had to change its

ways!


After the war, he was involved in various projects, including clinics attached to

state schools and the training of teachers. In 1926, he went to the United States

to lecture, and he eventually accepted a visiting position at the Long Island

College of Medicine. In 1934, he and his family left Vienna forever. On May 28,

1937, during a series of lectures at Aberdeen University, he died of a heart

attack.


Theory


Alfred Adler postulates a single "drive" or motivating force behind all our

behavior and experience. By the time his theory had gelled into its most mature

form, he called that motivating force the striving for perfection. It is the

desire we all have to fulfill our potentials, to come closer and closer to our

ideal. It is, as many of you will already see, very similar to the more popular

idea of self-actualization.

"Perfection" and "ideal" are troublesome words, though. On the one hand, they

are very positive goals. Shouldn't we all be striving for the ideal? And yet, in

psychology, they are often given a rather negative connotation. Perfection and

ideals are, practically by definition, things you can't reach. Many people, in fact,

live very sad and painful lives trying to be perfect! As you will see, other

theorists, like Karen Horney and Carl Rogers, emphasize this problem. Adler

talks about it, too. But he sees this negative kind of idealism as a perversion of

the more positive understanding. We will return to this in a little while.

Striving for perfection was not the first phrase Adler used to refer to his single

motivating force. His earliest phrase was the aggression drive, referring to the

reaction we have when other drives, such as our need to eat, be sexually

satisfied, get things done, or be loved, are frustrated. It might be better called

the assertiveness drive, since we tend to think of aggression as physical and

negative. But it was Adler's idea of the aggression drive that first caused

friction between him and Freud. Freud was afraid that it would detract from

the crucial position of the sex drive in psychoanalytic theory. Despite Freud's

dislike for the idea, he himself introduced something very similar much later in

his life: the death instinct.

Another word Adler used to refer to basic motivation was compensation, or

striving to overcome. Since we all have problems, short-comings, inferiorities

of one sort or another, Adler felt, earlier in his writing, that our personalities

could be accounted for by the ways in which we do -- or don't -- compensate or

overcome those problems. The idea still plays an important role in his theory,

as you will see, but he rejected it as a label for the basic motive because it

makes it sound as if it is your problems that cause you to be what you are.

One of Adler's earliest phrases was masculine protest. He noted something

pretty obvious in his culture (and by no means absent from our own): Boys

were held in higher esteem than girls. Boys wanted, often desperately, to be

thought of as strong, aggressive, in control -- i.e. "masculine" -- and not weak,

passive, or dependent -- i.e. "feminine." The point, of course, was that men are




somehow basically better than women. They do, after all, have the power, the

education, and apparently the talent and motivation needed to do "great

things," and women don't.

You can still hear this in the kinds of comments older people make about little

boys and girls: If a baby boy fusses or demands to have his own way (masculine

protest!), they will say he's a natural boy; If a little girl is quiet and shy, she is

praised for her femininity; If, on the other hand, the boy is quiet and shy, they

worry that he might grow up to be a sissy; Or if a girl is assertive and gets her

way, they call her a "tomboy" and will try to reassure you that she'll grow out of

it!


But Adler did not see men's assertiveness and success in the world as due to

some innate superiority. He saw it as a reflection of the fact that boys are

encouraged to be assertive in life, and girls are discouraged. Both boys and

girls, however, begin life with the capacity for "protest!" Because so many

people misunderstood him to mean that men are, innately, more assertive, lead

him to limit his use of the phrase.

The last phrase he used, before switching to striving for perfection, was

striving for superiority. His use of this phrase reflects one of the philosophical

roots of his ideas: Friederich Nietzsche developed a philosophy that considered

the will to power the basic motive of human life. Although striving for

superiority does refer to the desire to be better, it also contains the idea that we

want to be better than others, rather than better in our own right. Adler later

tended to use striving for superiority more in reference to unhealthy or

neurotic striving.

Life style

A lot of this playing with words reflects Adler's groping towards a really

different kind of personality theory than that represented by Freud's. Freud's

theory was what we nowadays would call a reductionistic one: He tried most of

his life to get the concepts down to the physiological level. Although he

admitted failure in the end, life is nevertheless explained in terms of basic

physiological needs. In addition, Freud tended to "carve up" the person into

smaller theoretical concepts -- the id, ego, and superego -- as well.

Adler was influenced by the writings of Jan Smuts, the South African

philosopher and statesman. Smuts felt that, in order to understand people, we




have to understand them more as unified wholes than as a collection of bits

and pieces, and we have to understand them in the context of their

environment, both physical and social. This approach is called holism, and

Adler took it very much to heart.

First, to reflect the idea that we should see people as wholes rather than parts,

he decided to label his approach to psychology individual psychology. The

word individual means literally "un-divided."

Second, instead of talking about a person's personality, with the traditional

sense of internal traits, structures, dynamics, conflicts, and so on, he preferred

to talk about style of life (nowadays, "lifestyle"). Life style refers to how you

live your life, how you handle problems and interpersonal relations. Here's

what he himself had to say about it: "The style of life of a tree is the

individuality of a tree expressing itself and molding itself in an environment.

We recognize a style when we see it against a background of an environment

different from what we expect, for then we realize that every tree has a life

pattern and is not merely a mechanical reaction to the environment."



Teleology

The last point -- that lifestyle is "not merely a mechanical reaction" -- is a second

way in which Adler differs dramatically from Freud. For Freud, the things that

happened in the past, such as early childhood trauma, determine what you are

like in the present. Adler sees motivation as a matter of moving towards the

future, rather than being driven, mechanistically, by the past. We are drawn

towards our goals, our purposes, our ideals. This is called teleology.

Moving things from the past into the future has some dramatic effects. Since

the future is not here yet, a teleological approach to motivation takes the

necessity out of things. In a traditional mechanistic approach, cause leads to

effect: If a, b, and c happen, then x, y, and z must, of necessity, happen. But you

don't have to reach your goals or meet your ideals, and they can change along

the way. Teleology acknowledges that life is hard and uncertain, but it always

has room for change!

Another major influence on Adler's thinking was the philosopher Hans

Vaihinger, who wrote a book called The Philosophy of "As If." Vaihinger

believed that ultimate truth would always be beyond us, but that, for practical

purposes, we need to create partial truths. His main interest was science, so he




gave as examples such partial truths as protons and electrons, waves of light,

gravity as distortion of space, and so on. Contrary to what many of us non-

scientists tend to assume, these are not things that anyone has seen or proven

to exist: They are useful constructs. They work for the moment, let us do

science, and hopefully will lead to better, more useful constructs. We use them

"as if" they were true. He called these partial truths fictions.

Vaihinger, and Adler, pointed out that we use these fictions in day to day living

as well. We behave as if we knew the world would be here tomorrow, as if we

were sure what good and bad are all about, as if everything we see is as we see

it, and so on. Adler called this fictional finalism. You can understand the

phrase most easily if you think about an example: Many people behave as if

there were a heaven or a hell in their personal future. Of course, there may be

a heaven or a hell, but most of us don't think of this as a proven fact. That

makes it a "fiction" in Vaihinger's and Adler's sense of the word. And finalism

refers to the teleology of it: The fiction lies in the future, and yet influences our

behavior today.

Adler added that, at the center of each of our lifestyles, there sits one of these

fictions, an important one about who we are and where we are going.



Social interest

Second in importance only to striving for perfection is the idea of social



interest or social feeling (originally called Gemeinschaftsgefuhl or

"community feeling"). In keeping with his holism, it is easy to see that anyone

"striving for perfection" can hardly do so without considering his or her social

environment. As social animals, we simply don't exist, much less thrive,

without others, and even the most resolute people-hater forms that hatred in a

social context!

Adler felt that social concern was not simply inborn, nor just learned, but a

combination of both: It is based on an innate disposition, but it has to be

nurtured to survive. That it is to some extent innate is shown by the way babies

and small children often show sympathy for others without having been taught

to do so. Notice how, when one baby in a nursery begins to cry, they all begin to

cry. Or how, when we walk into a room where people are laughing, we

ourselves begin to smile.



And yet, right along with the examples of how generous little children can be to

others, we have examples of how selfish and cruel they can be. Although we

instinctively seem to know that what hurts him can hurt me, and vice versa, we

also instinctively seem to know that, if we have to choose between it hurting

him and it hurting me, we'll take "hurting him" every time! So the tendency to

empathize must be supported by parents and the culture at large. Even if we

disregard the possibilities of conflict between my needs and yours, empathy

involves feeling the pain of others, and in a hard world, that can quickly

become overwhelming. Much easier to just "toughen up" and ignore that

unpleasant empathy -- unless society steps in on empathy's behalf!

One misunderstanding Adler wanted to avoid was the idea that social interest

was somehow another version of extraversion. Americans in particular tend to

see social concern as a matter of being open and friendly and slapping people

on the back and calling them by their first names. Some people may indeed

express their social concern this way; But other people just use that kind of

behavior to further their own ends. Adler meant social concern or feeling not

in terms of particular social behaviors, but in the much broader sense of caring

for family, for community, for society, for humanity, even for life. Social

concern is a matter of being useful to others.

On the other hand, a lack of social concern is, for Adler, the very definition of

mental ill-health: All failures -- neurotics, psychotics, criminals, drunkards,

problem children, suicides, perverts, and prostitutes -- are failures because

they are lacking in social interest.... Their goal of success is a goal of personal

superiority, and their triumphs have meaning only to themselves.



Inferiority

Here we are, all of us, "pulled" towards fulfillment, perfection, self-

actualization. And yet some of us -- the failures -- end up terribly unfulfilled,

baldly imperfect, and far from self-actualized. And all because we lack social

interest, or, to put it in the positive form, because we are too self-interested. So

what makes so many of us self-interested?

Adler says it's a matter of being overwhelmed by our inferiority. If you are

moving along, doing well, feeling competent, you can afford to think of others.

If you are not, if life is getting the best of you, then your attentions become

increasingly focussed on yourself.




Obviously, everyone suffers from inferiority in one form or another. For

example, Adler began his theoretical work considering organ inferiority, that

is, the fact that each of us has weaker, as well as stronger, parts of our anatomy

or physiology. Some of us are born with heart murmurs, or develop heart

problems early in life; Some have weak lungs, or kidneys, or early liver

problems; Some of us stutter or lisp; Some have diabetes, or asthma, or polio;

Some have weak eyes, or poor hearing, or a poor musculature; Some of us have

innate tendencies to being heavy, others to being skinny; Some of us are

retarded, some of us are deformed; Some of us are terribly tall or terribly short;

And so on and so on.

Adler noted that many people respond to these organic inferiorities with

compensation. They make up for their deficiencies in some way: The inferior

organ can be strengthened and even become stronger than it is in others; Or

other organs can be overdeveloped to take up the slack; Or the person can

psychologically compensate for the organic problem by developing certain

skills or even certain personality styles. There are, as you well know, many

examples of people who overcame great physical odds to become what those

who are better endowed physically wouldn't even dream of!

Sadly, there are also many people who cannot handle their difficulties, and live

lives of quiet despair. I would guess that our optimistic, up-beat society

seriously underestimates their numbers.

But Adler soon saw that this is only part of the picture. Even more people have

psychological inferiorities. Some of us are told that we are dumb, or ugly, or

weak. Some of us come to believe that we are just plain no good. In school, we

are tested over and over, and given grades that tell us we aren't as good as the

next person. Or we are demeaned for our pimples or our bad posture and find

ourselves without friends or dates. Or we are forced into basketball games,

where we wait to see which team will be stuck with us. In these examples, it's

not a matter of true organic inferiority -- we are not really retarded or

deformed or weak -- but we learn to believe that we are. Again, some

compensate by becoming good at what we feel inferior about. More

compensate by becoming good at something else, but otherwise retaining our

sense of inferiority. And some just never develop any self esteem at all.

If the preceding hasn't hit you personally yet, Adler also noted an even more

general form of inferiority: The natural inferiority of children. all children are,

by nature, smaller, weaker, less socially and intellectually competent, than the




adults around them. Adler suggested that, if we look at children's games, toys,

and fantasies, they tend to have one thing in common: The desire to grow up, to

be big, to be an adult. This kind of compensation is really identical with striving

for perfection! Many children, however, are left with the feeling that other

people will always be better than they are.

If you are overwhelmed by the forces of inferiority -- whether it is your body

hurting, the people around you holding you in contempt, or just the general

difficulties of growing up -- you develop an inferiority complex. Looking back

on my own childhood, I can see several sources for later inferiority complexes:

Physically, I've tended to be heavy, with some real "fat boy" stages along the

way; Also, because I was born in Holland, I didn't grow up with the skills of

baseball, football, and basketball in my genes; Finally, my artistically talented

parents often left me -- unintentionally -- with the feeling that I'd never be as

good as they were. So, as I grew up, I became shy and withdrawn, and

concentrated on the only thing I was good at, school. It took a long time for me

to realize my self-worth.

If you weren't "super-nerd," you may have had one of the most common

inferiority complexes I've come across: "Math phobia!" Perhaps it started

because you could never remember what seven times eight was. Every year,

there was some topic you never quite got the hang of. Every year, you fell a

little further behind. And then you hit the crisis point: Algebra. How could you

be expected to know what "x" is when you still didn't know what seven times

eight was?

Many, many people truly believe that they are not meant to do math, that they

are missing that piece of their brains or something. I'd like to tell you here and

now that anyone can do math, if they are taught properly and when they are

really ready. That aside, you've got to wonder how many people have given up

being scientists, teachers, business people, or even going to college, because of

this inferiority complex.

But the inferiority complex is not just a little problem, it's a neurosis, meaning

it's a life-size problem. You become shy and timid, insecure, indecisive,

cowardly, submissive, compliant, and so on. You begin to rely on people to

carry you along, even manipulating them into supporting you: "You think I'm

smart / pretty / strong / sexy / good, don't you?" Eventually, you become a drain

on them, and you may find yourself by yourself. Nobody can take all that self-

centered whining for long!




There is another way in which people respond to inferiority besides

compensation and the inferiority complex: You can also develop a superiority



complex. The superiority complex involves covering up your inferiority by

pretending to be superior. If you feel small, one way to feel big is to make

everyone else feel even smaller! Bullies, braggarts, and petty dictators

everywhere are the prime example. More subtle examples are the people who

are given to attention-getting dramatics, the ones who feel powerful when they

commit crimes, and the ones who put others down for their gender, race,

ethnic origins, religious beliefs, sexual orientation, weight, height, etc. etc. Even

more subtle still are the people who hide their feelings of worthlessness in the

delusions of power afforded by alcohol and drugs.

Psychological types

Although all neurosis is, for Adler, a matter of insufficient social interest, he did

note that three types could be distinguished based on the different levels of

energy they involved:

The first is the ruling type. They are, from childhood on, characterized by a

tendency to be rather aggressive and dominant over others. Their energy -- the

strength of their striving after personal power -- is so great that they tend to

push over anything or anybody who gets in their way. The most energetic of

them are bullies and sadists; somewhat less energetic ones hurt others by

hurting themselves, and include alcoholics, drug addicts, and suicides.

The second is the leaning type. They are sensitive people who have developed

a shell around themselves which protects them, but they must rely on others to

carry them through life's difficulties. They have low energy levels and so

become dependent. When overwhelmed, they develop what we typically think

of as neurotic symptoms: phobias, obsessions and compulsions, general

anxiety, hysteria, amnesias, and so on, depending on individual details of their

lifestyle.

The third type is the avoiding type. These have the lowest levels of energy and

only survive by essentially avoiding life -- especially other people. When

pushed to the limits, they tend to become psychotic, retreating finally into their

own personal worlds.

There is a fourth type as well: the socially useful type. This is the healthy

person, one who has both social interest and energy. Note that without energy,




you can't really have social interest, since you wouldn't be able to actually do

anything for anyone!

Adler noted that his four types looked very much like the four types proposed

by the ancient Greeks. They, too, noticed that some people are always sad,

others always angry, and so on. But they attributed these temperaments (from

the same root as temperature) to the relative presence of four bodily fluids

called humors.

If you had too much yellow bile, you would be choleric (hot and dry) and

angry all the time. The choleric is, roughly, the ruling type.

If you had too much phlegm, you would be phlegmatic (cold and wet) and be

sluggish. This is roughly the leaning type.

If you had too much black bile -- and we don't know what the Greeks were

referring to here -- you would be melancholy (cold and dry) and tend to be sad

constantly. This is roughly the avoiding type.

And, if you had a lot of blood relative to the other humors, you be in a good

humor, sanguine (warm and moist). This naturally cheerful and friendly

person represents the socially useful type.

One word of warning about Adler's types: Adler believed very strongly that

each person is a unique individual with his or her own unique lifestyle. The

idea of types is, for him, only a heuristic device, meaning a useful fiction, not

an absolute reality!

Childhood

Adler, like Freud, saw personality or lifestyle as something established quite

early in life. In fact, the prototype of your lifestyle tends to be fixed by about

five years old. New experiences, rather than change that prototype, tend to be

interpreted in terms of the prototype, "force fit," in other words, into

preconceived notions, just like new acquaintances tend to get "force fit" into

our stereotypes.

Adler felt that there were three basic childhood situations that most contribute

to a faulty lifestyle. The first is one we've spoken of several times: organ

inferiorities, as well as early childhood diseases. They are what he called

"overburdened," and if someone doesn't come along to draw their attention to



others, they will remain focussed on themselves. Most will go through life with

a strong sense of inferiority; A few will overcompensate with a superiority

complex. Only with the encouragement of loved ones will some truly

compensate.

The second is pampering. Many children are taught, by the actions of others,

that they can take without giving. Their wishes are everyone else's commands.

This may sound like a wonderful situation, until you realize that the pampered

child fails in two ways: First, he doesn't learn to do for himself, and discovers

later that he is truly inferior; And secondly, he doesn't learn any other way to

deal with others than the giving of commands. And society responds to

pampered people in only one way: hatred.

The third is neglect. A child who is neglected or abused learns what the

pampered child learns, but learns it in a far more direct manner: They learn

inferiority because they are told and shown every day that they are of no

value; They learn selfishness because they are taught to trust no one. If you

haven't known love, you don't develop a capacity for it later. We should note

that the neglected child includes not only orphans and the victims of abuse, but

the children whose parents are never there, and the ones raised in a rigid,

authoritarian manner.

Birth order

Adler must be credited as the first theorist to include not only a child's mother

and father and other adults as early influence on the child, but the child's

brothers and sisters as well. His consideration of the effects of siblings and the

order in which they were born is probably what Adler is best-known for. I have

to warn you, though, that Adler considered birth-order another one of those

heuristic ideas -- useful fictions -- that contribute to understanding people, but

must be not be taken too seriously.

The only child is more likely than others to be pampered, with all the ill results

we've discussed. After all, the parents of the only child have put all their eggs in

one basket, so to speak, and are more likely to take special care -- sometimes

anxiety-filled care -- of their pride and joy. If the parents are abusive, on the

other hand, the only child will have to bear that abuse alone.

The first child begins life as an only child, with all the attention to him- or

herself. Sadly, just as things are getting comfortable, the second child arrives



and "dethrones" the first. At first, the child may battle for his or her lost

position. He or she might try acting like the baby -- after all, it seems to work

for the baby! -- only to be rebuffed and told to grow up. Some become

disobedient and rebellious, others sullen and withdrawn. Adler believes that

first children are more likely than any other to become problem children. More

positively, first children are often precocious. They tend to be relatively solitary

and more conservative than the other children in the family.

The second child is in a very different situation: He or she has the first child as

a sort of "pace-setter," and tends to become quite competitive, constantly trying

to surpass the older child. They often succeed, but many feel as if the race is

never done, and they tend to dream of constant running without getting

anywhere. Other "middle" children will tend to be similar to the second child,

although each may focus on a different "competitor."

The youngest child is likely to be the most pampered in a family with more

than one child. After all, he or she is the only one who is never dethroned! And

so youngest children are the second most likely source of problem children,

just behind first children. On the other hand, the youngest may also feel

incredible inferiority, with everyone older and "therefore" superior. But, with

all those "pace-setters" ahead, the youngest can also be driven to exceed all of

them.


Who is a first, second, or youngest child isn't as obvious as it might seem. If

there is a long stretch between children, they may not see themselves and each

other the same way as if they were closer together. There are eight years

between my first and second daughter and three between the second and the

third: That would make my first daughter an only child, my second a first child,

and my third the second and youngest! And if some of the children are boys

and some girls, it makes a difference as well. A second child who is a girl might

not take her older brother as someone to compete with; A boy in a family of

girls may feel more like the only child; And so on. As with everything in Adler's

system, birth order is to be understood in the context of the individual's own

special circumstances.

Diagnosis

In order to help you to discover the "fictions" your lifestyle is based upon, Adler

would look at a great variety of things -- your birth-order position, for example.

First, he might examine you and your medical history for any possible organic




roots to your problem. A serious illness, for example, may have side effects that

closely resemble neurotic and psychotic symptoms.

In your very first session with you, he might ask for your earliest childhood

memory. He is not so much looking for the truth here as for an indication of

that early prototype of your present lifestyle. If your earliest memory involves

security and a great deal of attention, that might indicate pampering; If you

recall some aggressive competition with your older brother, that might suggest

the strong strivings of a second child and the "ruling" type of personality; If

your memory involves neglect and hiding under the sink, it might mean severe

inferiority and avoidance; And so on.

He might also ask about any childhood problems you may have had: Bad habits

involving eating or the bathroom might indicate ways in which you controlled

your parents; Fears, such as a fear of the dark or of being left alone, might

suggest pampering; Stuttering is likely to mean that speech was associated with

anxiety; Overt aggression and stealing may be signs of a superiority complex;

Daydreaming, isolation, laziness, and lying may be various ways of avoiding

facing one's inferiorities.

Like Freud and Jung, dreams (and daydreams) were important to Adler. He

took a more direct approach to them, though: Dreams are an expression of

your style of life and, far from contradicting your daytime feelings, are unified

with your conscious life. Usually, they reflect the goals you have and the

problems you face in reaching them. If you can't remember any dreams, Adler

isn't put off: Go ahead and fantasize right then and there. Your fantasies will

reflect your lifestyle just as well.

Adler would also pay attention to how you express yourself: Your posture, the

way you shake hands, the gestures you use, how you move, your "body

language," as we say today. He notes that pampered people often lean against

something! Even your sleep postures may contribute some insight: A person

who sleeps in the fetal position with the covers over his or her head is clearly

different from one who sprawls over the entire bed completely uncovered!

He would also want to know the exogenous factors, the events that triggered

the symptoms that concern you. He gives a number of common triggers: Sexual

problems, like uncertainty, guilt, the first time, impotence, and so on; The

problems women face, such as pregnancy and childbirth and the onset and end

of menstruation; Your love life, dating, engagement, marriage, and divorce;




Your work life, including school, exams, career decisions, and the job itself; And

mortal danger or the loss of a loved one.

Last, and not least, Adler was open to the less rational and scientific, more art-

like side of diagnosis: He suggested we not ignore empathy, intuition, and just

plain guess-work!

Therapy

There are considerable differences between Adler's therapy and Freud's: First,

Adler preferred to have everyone sitting up and talking face to face. Further, he

went to great lengths to avoid appearing too authoritarian. In fact, he advised

that the therapist never allow the patient to force him into the role of an

authoritarian figure, because that allows the patient to play some of the same

games he or she is likely to have played many times before: The patient may set

you up as a savior, only to attack you when you inevitably reveal your

humanness. By pulling you down, they feel as if they are raising themselves,

with their neurotic lifestyles, up.

This is essentially the explanation Adler gave for resistance: When a patient

forgets appointments, comes in late, demands special favors, or generally

becomes stubborn and uncooperative, it is not, as Freud thought, a matter of

repression. Rather, resistance is just a sign of the patient's lack of courage to

give up their neurotic lifestyle.

The patient must come to understand the nature of his or her lifestyle and its

roots in self-centered fictions. This understanding or insight cannot be forced:

If you just tell someone "look, here is your problem!" he or she will only pull

away from you and look for ways of bolstering their present fictions. Instead, A

patient must be brought into such a state of feeling that he likes to listen, and

wants to understand. Only then can he be influenced to live what he has

understood. (Ansbacher and Ansbacher, 1956, p. 335.) It is the patient, not the

therapist, who is ultimately responsible for curing him- or herself.

Finally, the therapist must encourage the patient, which means awakening his

or her social interest, and the energy that goes with it. By developing a genuine

human relationship with the patient, the therapist provides the basic form of

social interest, which the patient can then transfer to others.

Discussion



Although Adler's theory may be less interesting than Freud's, with its sexuality,

or Jung's, with its mythology, it has probably struck you as the most common-

sensical of the three. Students generally like Adler and his theory. In fact, quite

a few personality theorists like him, too. Maslow, for example, once said that,

the older he gets, the more right Adler seems. If you have some knowledge of

Carl Rogers' brand of therapy, you may have noticed how similar it is to Adler's.

And a number of students of personality theories have noted that the theorists

called Neo-Freudians -- Horney, Fromm, and Sullivan -- should really have been

called Neo-Adlerians.

And so the "positives" of Adler's theory don't really need to be listed: His clear

descriptions of people's complaints, his straight-forward and common-sense

interpretations of their problems, his simple theoretical structure, his trust and

even affection for the common person, all make his theory both comfortable

and highly influential.



Problems

Criticisms of Adler tend to involve the issue of whether or not, or to what

degree, his theory is scientific. The mainstream of psychology today is

experimentally oriented, which means, among other things, that the concepts a

theory uses must be measurable and manipulable. This in turn means that an

experimental orientation prefers physical or behavioral variables. Adler, as

you saw, uses basic concepts that are far from physical and behavioral: Striving

for perfection? How do you measure that? Or compensation? Or feelings of

inferiority? Or social interest? The experimental method also makes a basic

assumption: That all things operate in terms of cause and effect. Adler would

certainly agree that physical things do so, but he would adamantly deny that

people do! Instead, he takes the teleological route, that people are "determined"

by their ideals, goals, values, "final fictions." Teleology takes the necessity out of

things: A person doesn't have to respond a certain way to a certain

circumstance; A person has choices to make; A person creates his or her own

personality or lifestyle. From the experimental perspective, these things are

illusions that a scientist, even a personality theorist, dare not give in to.

Even if you are open to the teleological approach, though, there are criticisms

you can make regarding how scientific Adler's theory is: Many of the details of

his theory are too anecdotal, that is, are true in particular cases, but don't

necessarily have the generality Adler seems to claim for them. A first child



(even broadly defined) doesn't necessarily feel dethroned, nor a second child

necessarily feel competitive, for example.

Adler could, however, respond to these criticisms very easily: First, didn't we

just finish saying that, if you accept teleology, nothing about human personality

is necessary. And secondly, didn't he go to great lengths to explain his ideas

about fictional finalism? All of his concepts are useful constructs, not absolute

truths, and science is just a matter of creating increasingly useful constructs. So

if you have better ideas, let's hear them!



Readings

If you are interested in learning more about Alfred Adler's theory, go straight to

Ansbacher and Ansbacher's The Individual Psychology of Alfred Adler. They

take selections from his writings, organize them, and add running commentary.

It introduces all of his ideas in a very readable fashion. His own books include

Understanding Human NatureProblems of NeurosisThe Practice and

Theory of Individual Psychology, and Social Interest: A Challenge to

Mankind.  Anotther collection by Ansbacher and Ansbacher (Superiority and

Social Interest) includes a Biography by Carl Furtmuller

You can find early and recent work by Adler and others in English in The



International Journal of Individual Psychology.

Copyright 1997, 2006  C. George Boeree.



Yüklə 100,18 Kb.

Dostları ilə paylaş:




Verilənlər bazası müəlliflik hüququ ilə müdafiə olunur ©www.genderi.org 2024
rəhbərliyinə müraciət

    Ana səhifə