Ville Leppänen
Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München
ville.leppaenen@campus.lmu.de
Ablaut and the Latin verb: the (non)destructive effect of sound change
In this presentation, I examine the effect of regular sound change on the ablaut patterns in the Latin
verb system. The main questions are, to what extent the observed loss of such patterns is caused by
sound change, and which individual changes in particular act towards the deletion or the
preservation of the patterns. Having singled out a number of cases, in which the loss is
demonstrably not an effect of sound change, I turn to looking for alternative, theory-oriented
solutions (e.g. analogy, isomorphism, morphological naturalness, various functional factors) in
order to conclusively explain the neutralization of the inherited contrasts.
The “destructive” effect of sound changes is often implicitly or explicitly (e.g. Sihler 1995: 109,
Meiser 1998: 33) stated as the main factor for the loss of ablaut patterns in Latin. Indeed, in isolated
cases such effect is indisputable, e.g. *deu
̯ k-e-ti > *dou̯ket > dūcit, *tn̥-tó- > *tento- > tentus (cf. Gr.
τατός), *str̥h
3
-tó- >
strātus, Lachmann’s Law (e.g. *
teg-to- >
tēctus), etc. Vowel weakening (see
Nishimura 2010) and the subsequent coloring effect of neighboring consonants also neutralize
important qualitative contrasts and make certain stem vocalisms submerge, e.g. in the reduplicated
perfects. In some cases, however, Latin preserves the PIE vocalism and the inherited ablaut
alternations rather faithfully, e.g. decet vs. docēre, precārī vs. pōscere (<*pr
̥ ḱ-sḱe-), vŏcāre vs. vōx,
stătus vs. Stātius, genus vs. gener-is, tegere vs. toga, facere vs. fēcī, fīdere vs. foedus vs. fĭdēs, etc.
It would be expected that irregular verbs would also have preserved the PIE vocalism almost intact;
this, however, often turns out not to be the case, e.g. sum (<
ESOM
, Garigliano Bowl, 500 BC),
sumus,
sunt vs.
es,
est,
estis (< PIE
*h
1
s-té-);
eō <
*ei
̯ ō < PIE
*h
1
ei̯-mi vs.
īmus <
*ei̯mos ←
*imos
< PIE
*h
1
i-més;
dās,
dat (from
dare) instead of
×
dōs,
×
dot < PIE
*deh
3
- vs.
dămus,
dătis,
dănt < PIE
*dh̥
3
-.
The positive identification of non-lautgesetzlich modification of the inherited ablaut patterns
indicates that the loss of the alternations is not primarily caused by regular sound change, meaning
that ablaut-loss ought to be investigated in the context of historical morphology. In this
presentation, I first examine the effect of a number of sound changes that result in local
neutralization of ablaut vocalism, and then present cases from the verb system in which a non-
lautgesetzlich vocalism requires an alternative explanation. Such cases include the irregular verbs
esse,
īre,
dare (all old athematics), the perfect stem of the verb
facere, the root vocalism of some
2nd conjugation verbs, and a number of participle stems with e- or o-grade looking vocalism.
References
Meiser, Gerhard 1998. Historische Laut- und Formenlehre der lateinischen Sprache. Darmstadt:
Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.
Nishimura, Kanehiro 2010. ‘Patterns of Vowel Reduction in Latin: Phonetics and Phonology’,
HS
123, pp. 217-257.
Sihler, Andrew 1995. New Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.